The Project Gutenberg eBook of History of the United States, Volume 6

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Title: History of the United States, Volume 6

Author: Elisha Benjamin Andrews

Release date: December 24, 2007 [eBook #24023]
Most recently updated: December 6, 2021

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Don Kostuch

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES, VOLUME 6 ***

[Transcriber's Notes]

Text has been moved to avoid fragmentation of sentences and paragraphs.

This is the last volume in a set of six. The other five volumes are at:
Volume I   -- http://www.gutenberg.org/etext/20925
Volume II  -- http://www.gutenberg.org/etext/22567
Volume III -- http://www.gutenberg.org/etext/23748
Volume IV  -- http://www.gutenberg.org/etext/22676
Volume V   -- http://www.gutenberg.org/etext/22777

Here are the definitions of some uncommon words.

capitation
  Numbering or assessing by the head. Poll tax. Fee or payment of a
  uniform amount for each person.

cumberer
  Hindrance.

imperatively
  Absolutely necessary; unavoidable; commanding.

justiciable
  Capable of being settled by law or by the action of a court:

munificent
  Very generous.

[End Transcriber's Notes]

HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES

Copyright, 1907, by Clinedinst. Washington, D. C.

Theodore Roosevelt

At his desk in the executive offices of the White House during his term

as president.

HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES

FROM THE EARLIEST DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

TO THE PRESENT TIME

BY

E. BENJAMIN ANDREWS

CHANCELLOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA

FORMERLY PRESIDENT OF BROWN UNIVERSITY

With 650 Illustrations and Maps

VOLUME VI.

NEW YORK

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS

1912

COPYRIGHT, 1912, BY

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I. THE RISE OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT

Career of Theodore Roosevelt.

Characteristics.

Temper and Method.

Administration.

Reciprocity.

Trusts.

Industrial Confederations.

Railway, Steel and Steamship Combinations.

Ship Subsidy Bill.

Beef Trust.

Steel Strike of 1901.

Anthracite Coal Strike of 1902.

President Roosevelt Calls Conference for Its Settlement.

CHAPTER II. ROOSEVELT'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION

His Fine Equipment for the Office of President.

A Remarkable Cabinet.

Mr. Root's Work for Cuba and the Philippines.

For the Army.

The Diplomacy of John Hay.

Department of Commerce and Labor Created.

The Panama Canal Achievement.

Recognition of Panama.

The Galveston Flood.

Plan of City Government.

Cuba an Independent Republic.

The Philippines under United States Rule.

The Baltimore Fire.

The St. Louis Exposition.

CHAPTER III. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1904

President Roosevelt Renominated.

Nominations of the Democratic Convention.

Of the Conventions of the Populist, Socialist and Prohibitionist Parties.

Character of the Campaign.

Charges Made against the Republicans.

President Roosevelt's Reply to Judge Parker's Statements.

Results of the Election.

CHAPTER IV. AMERICA AND THE CHINESE OPEN DOOR

Aggressive Policy of President Roosevelt.

Secretary Hay Continued in Office.

William H. Taft Made Secretary of War.

Trade of America and European Nations with China.

Secretary Hay's Request for Equal Trade Rights in China for All Nations.

The Boxer Rebellion.

Portion of China's Indemnity Cancelled by Congress.

Chinese Students in America.

Russia's Influence in China.

New Commercial Treaty between United States and China.

Opening of Manchurian Ports to All Nations.

Secretary Hay and Chinese Neutrality during the Russo-Japanese War.

Effects of too Strict Interpretation of Chinese Exclusion Act.

President Roosevelt's Instructions to Immigration Officials.

CHAPTER V. INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION.

Progress Made in Settlement of International Difficulties by Arbitration.

First Meeting of the Hague Peace Conference.

Work of the Conference.

Chief Features of a Permanent International Court of Arbitration.

Advantages of Such Court.

Convened for the First Time in 1901.

The Pious Fund Case.

The Venezuela Case.

Mr. Carnegie's Gift for a "Palace of Peace."

The Building.

Peace Congresses Held in the United States in 1904.

Resolutions Adopted.

The Nations Invited by President Roosevelt to a Second Hague Conference.

Work of Second Conference.

Number of Treaties Concluded between the Nations.

CHAPTER VI. THE UNITED STATES AND LATIN-AMERICA

Interest in South American Republics.

Meeting of Pan-American Congress in Washington.

In City of Mexico.

Comparison of Foreign Commerce of South American States with European

Countries and with the United States.

Progress of South American States.

The Third Pan-American Congress, at Rio Janeiro Bureau of Pan-American

Republics Founded.

New Interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine.

The Santo Domingo Situation.

Its Adjustment by President Roosevelt.

CHAPTER VII. CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES

Waste of Nation's Resources.

Establishment of a Division of Forestry.

Mariposa Forest Reservation.

Preservation of Niagara Falls.

Inland Waterways Commission Appointed by President Roosevelt.

Conference on Conservation Held at the White House.

Resolutions Adopted.

First National Conservation Commission.

The National Conservation Association Formed.

First North American Conservation Congress, called by President

Roosevelt.

Irrigation and the Reclamation Act.

The Roosevelt Dam.

The Shoshone Dam.

The Truckee-Carson Canal.

Proceeds from Sales of Public Lands.

Reclamation of the Swamp Lands.

The Mississippi Basin.

The Lakes to the Gulf Deep Waterways Association.

Projects Submitted by the Inland Waterways Commission.

Appropriation for Enlargement of Erie Canal.

CHAPTER VIII. DEVELOPMENT OF THE NEW SOUTH

Splendid Natural Gifts of the South.

Its Water Power Facilities.

Wealth of Minerals and Forests, Coal and Iron.

Waste of Forest Lands.

Wonderful Economic Advancement.

Mr. Rockefeller's Gift.

Cotton Production.

Improved Methods of Agriculture.

Roads.

Methods of Financing the Plantation System.

Cultivation of Hay and Corn.

Stock-Raising.

The New Social Life.

Bright Prospect for the Future.

CHAPTER IX. PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION

Exposition at Portland, Oregon, Commemorating Lewis and Clark Expedition.

Interstate Commerce Commission.

Provisions of Interstate Commerce Laws.

Pure Food and Drugs Law.

Investigation of Meat-Packing Methods.

The Earthquake in San Francisco.

Relief Fund.

Rebuilding of the City.

CHAPTER X. THE FINANCIAL PANIC OF 1907

Popular Explanations of Its Cause.

The Real Causes.

Insolvency of Knickerbocker Trust Company.

Lack of Confidence in Financial Institutions.

Aid from the United States Treasury's Surplus Fund.

Enormous Amounts Paid Out to Depositors.

Radical Steps Taken by Bankers.

"Emergency Currency" Issued.

Strengthening of the New York Stock Exchange.

Gold from Foreign Countries.

Sale of Panama Bonds and Notes.

Confidence Restored.

Discussions Concerning Financial System.

The Aldrich-Vreeland Act.

CHAPTER XI. IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION

Great Increase in Immigration.

Change in Its Character.

Gain in Percentage from Southern Europe over that from Northern Europe.

Reasons Why These Foreigners Emigrate to America.

The Immigration Act of 1907.

And Its Effect.

The Emigration of Italians.

Slavs in the United States.

The Jews.

The Question of Oriental Immigration.

Dangers of Increasing Immigration.

Foreign Colonies in Chicago and Other Cities.

Increase in Criminality.

The Chief Problem.

Emigration of United States Farmers to Canada.

CHAPTER XII. NOTABLE SUPREME COURT DECISIONS

The Northern Securities Company Case.

The Alonzo Bailey Case.

Case of Loewe vs. Lawler, or the Danbury Hatters Case.

The Standard Oil Case.

The Case of the American Tobacco Company.

CHAPTER XIII. PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, CONTINUED

President Roosevelt's Advocacy of a Larger and More Efficient Navy.

Rear-Admiral Evans's Effective Work.

Cruise of the Atlantic Fleet.

Unusual Honors Tendered by Brazil and Other Countries Visited by the

Fleet.

Purchase and Settlement of Oklahoma Territory.

Indian System of Government.

Oklahoma and Indian Territory Admitted to the Union.

Exclusion of Japanese Students in San Francisco and President

Roosevelt's Prompt Action.

Child-Labor in the United States.

The Beveridge-Parsons Bill.

New Uses of Electricity.

Wireless Telegraphy, Air-Ships and Submarine Boats.

Business and Political Reforms.

Advances in Educational Work.

Notable Gifts of Mr. Carnegie and Mr. Rockefeller.

CHAPTER XIV. THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1908

The Republican Convention.

William H. Taft Nominated for President.

Other Candidates for Nomination.

James S. Sherman Nominated for Vice-President.

The Democratic Convention.

And Its Nominations.

Platforms of Both Parties.

The Socialist Convention and Platform.

Convention of the Prohibition Party and Its Platform.

Lack of Campaign "Issues."

Personal Fitness of the Candidates.

Fear of the Power of Great Corporations.

Efficiency of President Roosevelt's Administration.

Results of the Election.

CHAPTER XV. THE ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT TAFT

Inauguration of President Taft.

His Cabinet.

Increase of Salaries of Principal Executive Officers.

Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition.

Alaskan Products.

Hudson-Fulton Celebration.

Arctic Exploration.

Commander Peary's Expedition.

Dr. Cook's Claims.

State Constitutions of Arizona and New Mexico Formed.

President Taft's Disapproval of Them.

New Mexico Admitted to the Union.

Population and Products of Arizona.

Of New Mexico.

The Aeroplane.

Tests and Records Made by Aviators.

The Federal Publicity Law.

President Taft's Recommendation Concerning Classified Service.

His Advance Position on International Arbitration.

CHAPTER XVI. THE THIRTEENTH CENSUS, 1910

Permanent Census Bureau Established.

Work of the Enumerators.

Special Attention Given to Character of Questions.

Enormous Labor of Tabulation and Classification.

Cost of Census.

Population of United States and Territorial Possessions.

Comparisons of Population with That of Previous Decade.

Rapid Growth of Cities.

Westward Advance of Centre of Population.

Emigration to Canada.

Congressional Reapportionment.

Farms of the United States.

Value of Foreign Commerce.

Of Exports.

CHAPTER XVII. THE PROGRESSIVE MOVEMENT

Government by the People.

Attitude Toward Senator La Follette, the First Progressive.

Number of Progressives in Senate.

Laws Annulled by Courts.

National Progressive Republican League Formed.

Its Platform.

The "Initiative."

The "Referendum."

The "Recall."

Tariff Revision.

The Payne-Aldrich Bill Passed.

Criticism of the Cotton Schedule.

Of the Wool Schedule.

The "Maximum and Minimum" Clause.

Democratic Revision of the Tariff.

Farmers' Free List Bill.

Reciprocity with Canada.

President Taft and the Progressive Movement.

APPENDIX:

I.    CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

II.   ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION

III.  THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

IV.   PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES

V.    STATES ADMITTED INTO THE UNION

VI.   AREA OF THE UNITED STATES

VII.  POPULATION OF CONTINENTAL UNITED STATES BY DECADES, 1790--1910

VIII. APPROXIMATE POPULATION UNDER THE AMERICAN FLAG, 1910.

IX.   POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES, 1910, 1900, 1890

X.    NUMBER OF MEMBERS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES AFTER EACH APPORTIONMENT

XI.   POPULATION LIVING IN URBAN AND RURAL TERRITORY 1890-1900.

XII.  TWENTY-FIVE LARGEST CITIES FROM 1880 to 1910.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

THEODORE ROOSEVELT AT HIS DESK IN THE EXECUTIVE

OFFICES OF THE WHITE HOUSE DURING HIS TERM AS

PRESIDENT. (Copyright, 1907, Clinedinst, Washington).

THEODORE ROOSEVELT.

(From a copyrighted photograph by Pach Bros., New York).

THEODORE ROOSEVELT, AS LIEUT.-COLONEL OF THE "ROUGH RIDERS."

COLLIS P. HUNTINGTON.

JAMES J. HILL. (Copyright, 1902, by Pach Bros., N. Y.).

E. H. HARRIMAN.

JOHN W. GATES.

ANDREW CARNEGIE. (Copyright, 1902, by Rockwood, N. Y.).

J. PIERPONT MORGAN. (Copyright, 1901, by Pach Bros., N. Y.).

COL. CLEMENTS. GEN. GOBIN COMMANDING TROOPS SENT TO SHENANDOAH IN THE

COAL STRIKE OF 1902.

COAL STRIKE AT SHENANDOAH, PA., 1902. A STRIKERS' PICKET.

THE COAL STRIKE ARBITRATORS CHOSEN BY THE PRESIDENT. (Copyright, 1902,

by George Grantham Bain).

JOHN HAY, SECRETARY OF STATE. (Copyright, 1904, by Pach Bros., N. Y.).

ELIHU ROOT, SECRETARY OF WAR. (Copyright, 1903, by Clinedinst,

Washington).

GEORGE B. CORTELYOU, SECRETARY OF THE DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE AND LABOR.

(Photograph by Rice).

THE ISTHMIAN CANAL COMMISSION, TAKEN MARCH 22,1904.

THE AMERICAN ISTHMUS, SHOWING ROUTES INVESTIGATED FOR A SHIP-CANAL.

M. BUNAU-VARILLA, MINISTER FROM PANAMA. (Photograph by Clinedinst).

GREAT HEAPS OF WRECKAGE PILED HIGH BY THE GALVESTON DISASTER.

(Copyright, 1900, by Underwood & Underwood, N. Y.).

THE BOULEVARD AND SEA-WALL, GALVESTON. BUILT AFTER THE FLOOD.

(Photograph by H. H. Morris).

TOMASO ESTRADA Y PALMA, FIRST PRESIDENT OF CUBA, IN THE PALACE, HAVANA.

(Copyright, 1902, by Underwood & Underwood, N. Y.).

LOWERING THE STARS AND STRIPES ON THE PALACE, MAY 20, 1902, FOR THE FLAG

OF THE CUBAN REPUBLIC. (Copyright, 1901, by Underwood & Underwood).

GOV. WILLIAM H. TAFT.

THE BALTIMORE FIRE. (Lombard and Calvert Streets, showing Continental

and Equitable Buildings).

THE BALTIMORE FIRE. (Hopkins Place and German Street, looking east).

OPENING DAY AT THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE EXPOSITION. PRESIDENT D. K.

FRANCIS DELIVERING THE OPENING ADDRESS. (Copyright, 1904, by William H.

Rau, Philadelphia).

THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE EXPOSITION. THE VARIED INDUSTRIES BUILDING.

CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

THE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION AT CHICAGO, 1904.

WILLIAM R. HEARST.

THE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION AT ST. LOUIS, 1904.

ALTON B. PARKER.

INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT, MARCH 4, 1905. (Photograph by

Clinedinst, Washington, D. C.).

COUNT VON WALDERSEE, ESCORTED BY OFFICERS OF THE ALLIED ARMIES BETWEEN

LINES OF U. S. TROOPS TOWARD THE SACRED GATE, PEKING. (Copyright by

Underwood & Underwood, N, Y.).

AMERICAN FLAG RAISED OVER BATTERED REMNANTS OF SOUTH GATE IMMEDIATELY

AFTER CITY'S CAPTURE. BATTLE OF TIEN-TSIN CHINA. (Copyright, 1901, by

Underwood & Underwood).

ARRIVAL OF CHINAMEN AT MALONE, N. Y., FROM CANADA, ACCOMPANIED BY

OFFICIALS.

THE HOUSE IN THE WOODS, THE HAGUE, HOLLAND, WHERE THE FIRST PEACE

CONFERENCE WAS HELD.

PRESIDENT CASTRO OF VENEZUELA.

THE NEW PEACE PALACE, THE HAGUE, HOLLAND.

RUSSIAN AND JAPANESE PEACE ENVOYS IN SESSION AT PORTSMOUTH, N. H.

BUILDING WHERE THE SECOND PEACE CONFERENCE WAS HELD, THE HAGUE, HOLLAND.

FIRST SESSION OF THE SECOND PEACE CONFERENCE, THE HAGUE, HOLLAND.

FEDERAL PALACE, WHERE THE SECOND PAN-AMERICAN CONGRESS WAS HELD IN THE

CITY OF MEXICO. (Courtesy of the Pan-American Union).

MONROE PALACE, WHERE THE THIRD PAN-AMERICAN CONFERENCE WAS HELD IN RIO

DE JANEIRO. (Courtesy of the Pan-American Union).

ARRIVAL OF SECRETARY ROOT AT RIO DE JANEIRO. (Courtesy of the

Pan-American Union).

THE BUREAU OF THE PAN-AMERICAN REPUBLICS. (Photograph by Clinedinst).

GRIZZLY GIANT, MARIPOSA GROVE, CALIFORNIA, WITH A SQUAD OF CAVALRY AT

ITS BASE.

BIG TREE "WAWONA," SHOWING THE RELATIVE SIZE OF OTHER CONIFERS COMPARED

WITH BIG TREES. MARIPOSA GROVE.

THE PRESIDENT, GOVERNORS, AND OTHER LEADING MEN AT THE NATIONAL

RESOURCES CONFERENCE, AT THE WHITE HOUSE, MAY 13 TO 15, 1908. (Copyright

by Underwood & Underwood).

GIFFORD PINCHOT, PRESIDENT OF THE CONSERVATION COMMISSION.

ROOSEVELT DAM FROM THE ROAD.

SHOSHONE DAM, WYOMING. HIGHEST DAM IN THE WORLD. HEIGHT, 328.4 FEET.

SHOSHONE PROJECT. WYOMING PARK WAGON ROAD, SHOWING WONDERFUL TUNNELLING

WORK ON THE NEW WAGON ROAD FROM CODY, WYO., TO THE NATIONAL PARK VIA THE

SHOSHONE DAM. (Photograph by Clinedinst).

TRUCKEE-CARSON RECLAMATION PROJECT. DIVERSION DAM AND GATES AT HEADING

OF MAIN CANAL.

INLAND WATERWAYS COMMISSION.

THE PORT OF NEW ORLEANS. (Copyright, 1900, by Detroit Photographic Co.).

JAMES WILSON, SECRETARY OF AGRICULTURE.

A FIELD OF COTTON.

BALES OF COTTON READY FOR SHIPMENT. COTTON-PRESS YARD, NEW ORLEANS.

LOADING COTTON ON THE LEVEE, NEW ORLEANS.

THE PRICE-CAMPBELL COTTON-PICKING MACHINE, WHICH DOES THE WORK OF FIFTY

PERSONS.

THE LEWIS AND CLARK EXPOSITION, PORTLAND, ORE. GENERAL VIEW ACROSS THE

LAGOON.

THE LEWIS AND CLARK EXPOSITION, PORTLAND, ORE. THE GOVERNMENT BUILDINGS

ACROSS THE LAGOON.

DR. HARVEY W. WILEY, MANY YEARS CHIEF OF THE U. S. BUREAU OF CHEMISTRY.

(Copyright by Clinedinst, Washington).

U. S. GOVERNMENT INSPECTION OF A PACKING-HOUSE.

EARTHQUAKE AT SAN FRANCISCO, APRIL 18, 1906. UPHEAVAL OF SIDEWALK AT

EIGHTEENTH AND CAPP STREETS.

BURNING OF SAN FRANCISCO FOLLOWING THE EARTHQUAKE.

SHOWING DESTRUCTION OF BUILDINGS AFTER THE EARTHQUAKE AND FIRE IN SAN

FRANCISCO.

REFUGEES IN GOLDEN GATE PARK, SAN FRANCISCO.

THE JAMESTOWN EXPOSITION--MANUFACTURES AND LIBERAL ARTS BUILDING--FROM

THE AUDITORIUM. (Copyright by Underwood & Underwood, N. Y.).

THE PANIC OF 1907. RUN ON THE KNICKERBOCKER TRUST COMPANY, 34TH STREET

AND FIFTH AVENUE.

THE PANIC OF 1907. UPTOWN BRANCH OF THE KNICKERBOCKER TRUST COMPANY,

125TH STREET.

THE PANIC OF 1907. RUN ON THE COLONIAL TRUST COMPANY. LINE OF DEPOSITORS

IN ANN STREET WAITING THEIR TURN.

THE PANIC OF 1907. RUN ON THE LINCOLN TRUST COMPANY, FIFTH AVENUE

ENTRANCE.

THE PANIC OF 1907. WALL STREET, IN FRONT OF THE SUB-TREASURY BUILDING,

WHEN THE RUN ON THE TRUST COMPANY OF AMERICA WAS AT ITS HEIGHT.

THE PANIC OF 1907. RUN ON THE STATE BANK, GRAND STREET, NEW YORK.

EMIGRANTS BOUND FOR AMERICA.

ENTRANCE TO EMIGRANT STATION OR "MODEL TOWN" IN HAMBURG. BUILT FOR

EMIGRANTS WAITING TO SAIL.

ONE OF SEVERAL CHURCHES BUILT FOR EMIGRANTS OF VARIOUS FAITHS IN THE

STATION OR "MODEL TOWN" OF THE HAMBURG-AMERICAN COMPANY, FOR USE WHILE

WAITING TO SAIL.

U. S. IMMIGRANT STATION, ELLIS ISLAND, N. Y.

GROUPS OF IMMIGRANTS UPON THEIR ARRIVAL AT ELLIS ISLAND.

GROUP OF COSSACK IMMIGRANTS CONSIDERED DESIRABLE AND QUALIFIED TO ENTER.

SWEDISH IMMIGRANT FAMILY CONSIDERED DESIRABLE AND QUALIFIED TO ENTER.

JUSTICES OF THE UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT WHO ACTED UPON THE CASES OF

THE STANDARD OIL AND AMERICAN TOBACCO COMPANIES. (Copyright by

Clinedinst, Washington).

CHIEF JUSTICE MELVILLE W. FULLER. (Photograph copyright by Clinedinst,

Washington).

REAR-ADMIRAL ROBLEY D. EVANS. (Copyright, 1908, by Harris & Ewing).

THE ATLANTIC FLEET STARTING ON ITS JOURNEY ROUND THE WORLD, DECEMBER,

1907. (Copyright, 1907, by Underwood & Underwood).

REAR-ADMIRAL CHARLES S. SPERRY.

COTTON-MILL OPERATIVES SO SMALL THAT IN ORDER TO REACH THEIR WORK THEY

HAVE TO STAND UPON THE MACHINERY.

THE SPINNING-ROOM OVERSEER AND HIS FLOCK IN A MISSISSIPPI COTTON-MILL.

ELECTRIC TRAIN, LONG ISLAND R. R.

GUGLIELMO MARCONI AND HIS WIRELESS TELEGRAPH.

MARCONI TRANSATLANTIC STATION AT SOUTH WELLFLEET, CAPE COD, MASS.

THE "ARROW" GETTING UNDER WAY. (Courtesy of Scientific American).

BALDWIN'S AIRSHIP "ARROW" AT A HEIGHT OF 600 FEET OVER THE EXPOSITION

PALACES, ST. LOUIS, OCTOBER 25, 1904.

CARNEGIE FREE PUBLIC LIBRARIES.

JOSEPH G. CANNON. (Copyright by Clinedinst, Washington).

JAMES S. SHERMAN, NOMINATED FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. (Photograph by C. M.

Bell, Washington).

WILLIAM H. TAFT ON HIS TRIP, STUMPING FOR THE NOMINATION.

MR. TAFT FORMALLY ACCEPTING THE REPUBLICAN NOMINATION FOR THE

PRESIDENCY, ON THE VERANDA OF THE RESIDENCE OF HIS BROTHER, MR. CHARLES

P. TAFT, OF CINCINNATI, OHIO. (Copyright, 1908, by Young & Carl,

Cincinnati, Ohio).

PRESIDENT WILLIAM H. TAFT AND GOVERNOR HUGHES ON THE REVIEWING STAND AT

THE INAUGURATION, MARCH 4,1909. (Copyright by Clinedinst, Washington).

PRESIDENT TAFT AND CABINET, 1909. (Copyright, 1909, by Brown Bros., N.

Y.).

THE ALASKA-YUKON-PACIFIC EXPOSITION, SEATTLE. THE PALACE OF FINE ARTS.

THE HUDSON-FULTON CELEBRATION. THE CLERMONT PROCEEDING UP THE HUDSON

RIVER UNDER HER OWN STEAM.

COMMANDER PEARY'S SHIP, THE ROOSEVELT.

COMMANDER ROBERT E. PEARY, AND THREE OF HIS ESKIMO DOGS, ON THE

ROOSEVELT.

DR. F. A. COOK ON HIS ARRIVAL IN NEW YORK, SEPTEMBER 21, 1909.

(Photograph by Brown Bros., N. Y.).

PRESIDENT TAFT SIGNING THE PROCLAMATION MAKING ARIZONA THE FORTY-EIGHTH

STATE OF THE UNION, AT THE WHITE HOUSE, FEBRUARY 14, 1912. (Copyright by

Clinedinst, Washington).

PRESIDENT TAFT SIGNING THE PROCLAMATION MAKING NEW MEXICO A STATE,

JANUARY 6, 1912. (Photograph, copyright, by Clinedinst, Washington).

CHARLES K. HAMILTON RACING AN AUTOMOBILE ON THE BEACH AT GALVESTON,

TEXAS. (From a photograph by H. H. Morris).

WILBUR AND ORVILLE WRIGHT, AND THE LATE KING EDWARD OF ENGLAND.

(Photograph by Brown Bros., N. Y.).

WILBUR WRIGHT IN HIS AEROPLANE AT PAU, FRANCE, WITH KING ALFONSO OF

SPAIN.

HARRY K. ATWOOD WITH LIEUT. FICKLE FLYING OVER GOVERNOR'S ISLAND, N. Y.,

AFTER COMPLETING HIS LIGHT FROM ST. LOUIS TO NEW YORK.

E. DANA DURAND, DIRECTOR OF THE CENSUS. (Copyright by Clinedinst,

Washington).

CENTRE OF POPULATION AT EACH CENSUS.

ROBERT M. LA FOLLETTE. (Copyright by Harris & Ewing, Washington).

ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE, SENATOR FROM INDIANA. (Copyright by Clinedinst,

Washington).

SENATOR NELSON W. ALDRICH. (Photograph by Clinedinst, Washington).

PERIOD VII

PROBLEMS OF THE NEW CENTURY

1902-1912

CHAPTER I

THE RISE OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT

[1900]

Theodore Roosevelt was born in New York City, October 27, 1858. He was

graduated from Harvard in 1880. At the age of twenty-three he entered

the New York State Assembly, where he served six years with great

credit. Two years he was a "cowboy" in Dakota. He was United States

Civil Service Commissioner and President of the New York City Police

Board. In 1897 he became Assistant Secretary of the Navy, holding this

position long enough to indite the despatch which took Dewey to Manila.

He then raised the first United States Volunteer Cavalry, commonly

spoken of as "Rough Riders," and went to Cuba as their

lieutenant-colonel. Gallantry at Las Guasimas made him their colonel,

the first colonel, Leonard Wood, having received a brigadier-general's

commission. Returning from the war, Colonel Roosevelt found himself, as

by a magic metamorphosis, Governor of his State, fighting civic battles

against growing corporate abuses. He urged compulsory publicity for the

affairs of monopolistic combinations, and was prominently instrumental

in the enactment of the New York Franchise Tax Law.

The party managers in the 1900 convention hoped by making him

Vice-President to remove him from competition for the presidency in

1904. But the most unexpected of the many swift transitions in his

career foiled their calculations and brought him in a moment to the

summit of a citizen's ambition.

The new chief magistrate was no less honest, fearless, or

public-spirited than the recent one; it only remained to be seen whether

he were not less astute and cautious. Coming to the office as he did, he

was absolutely unfettered, which, in one of so frank a temperament,

might prove a danger. He was more popular with the people than with

politicians. Though highly educated and used to the best associations,

he was more approachable than any of his predecessors. At a public

dinner which he attended, one round of cheers was given him as "the

President of the United States" another as "Roosevelt," and a third as

"Teddy." Had McKinley been in his place a corresponding variation would

have been unthinkable.

From a copyrighted photograph by Pach Bros., N. Y.

Theodore Roosevelt.

President Roosevelt's temper and method were in pointed contrast to

McKinley's. Whereas McKinley seemed simply to hold the tiller, availing

himself of currents that to the eye deviously, yet easily and

inevitably, bore him to his objective, Roosevelt strenuously plied the

oar, recking little of cross currents or head winds, if, indeed, he did

not delight in them. Chauncey Depew aptly styled McKinley "a Western man

with Eastern ideas." Roosevelt, "an Eastern man with Western ideas."

This aspect of the new President's character gave him hold on both West

and East. Roosevelt was the first President since William Henry Harrison

to bring to his office the vigor and freshness of the frontier, as he

was, anomalously, the first city-born or wealthy-born incumbent.

Theodore Roosevelt, as Lieut.-Colonel of the "Rough Riders."

[1901]

The members of President McKinley's cabinet were invited to retain their

portfolios, which they agreed to do. At the time, Roosevelt was reputed

to be the foremost civil service reformer in the country. Politicians

were  soon made aware that the President regarded fitness for office as

the first test. Unfortunately during the presidency of McKinley, some

8000 offices had been taken out of the competitive lists. During

Roosevelt's first term, however, the list of offices placed under the

merit system was greatly extended. Within the twenty-one years from the

enactment of the first national civil service reform law wonders had

been accomplished in that more than one-half of the 300,000 offices in

the executive civil service were placed in the classified competitive

service.

President Roosevelt stood for liberal reciprocity with Cuba, urging

this, at first, with results disastrous to party harmony. He was

vindicated by public opinion, but learned wisdom. Though believed to be

favorable to a decided easing of custom-house levies, his administration

soon frankly avowed itself unable to proceed further than high-

protectionists would follow. The evidence of his tariff convictions won

him strong support in the West, which was prepared to go greater lengths

than he. In the congressional campaign of 1902, ex-Speaker Henderson, of

Iowa, a stanch protectionist, withdrew from public life, as was

supposed, rather than misrepresent himself by acceding to tariff reform

or his constituents by opposing it.

Mr. Roosevelt signalized his accession by an effort to make the federal

anti-trust law something more than a cumberer of the statute-book. His

inaugural message and innumerable addresses of his boldly handled the

whole trust evil and called for the regulation of capitalistic

combinations in the interest of the public.

Appreciation of the President's attitude on these matters may be

assisted by some notice of the then threatening vigor and universality

of the movement toward industrial combination. Mr. Beck, Assistant

Attorney-General of the United States, declared in 1892:

"Excessive capitalization of corporations, dishonest management by their

executive officers, the destruction of the rights of the minority, the

theft of public utilities, the subordination of public interests to

private gain, the debauchery of our local legislatures and executive

officers, and the corruption of the elective franchise, have resulted

from the facility afforded by the law to corporations to concentrate the

control of colossal wealth in the hands of a few men . . . . The

question presses ever more importunately for decision whether these

marvellous aggregations of capital can be subordinated to the very laws

which created them."

Legislation in many States, the enactment of the Sherman anti-trust law

by Congress, and the decision of the Supreme Court in the Trans-Missouri

case rendered insecure trust agreements of the old type, in which

constituent corporations surrendered the control of their affairs to

trustees. But the current merely shifted to a different channel, the

trust proper giving way to the giant corporation having the same aims,

methods, and efficiency, while, as more legal, it was less vulnerable.

In the railway world, "community of interest" assumed the place of

pooling agreements. The Union Pacific acquired large holdings from

Collis P. Huntington's estate and controlled the Southern Pacific. The

power behind the Southern Railway got control of nearly all the other

Southern railways, including the Atlantic Coast Line, the Plant System,

and at last even the Louisville and Nashville. The New York Central

dominated the other Vanderbilt roads. The Pennsylvania secured decisive

amounts of Baltimore and Ohio stock, as well as weighty interests in the

Chesapeake and Ohio and the Norfolk and Western, and so on.

[1902]

Collis P. Huntington.

Great banking establishments, foremost among them the house of J. P.

Morgan & Co., took to financing these schemes. Morgan re-organized the

Northern Pacific, and it would forthwith have pooled issues with the

Great Northern but for opposition by the State of Minnesota. James J.

Hill was master of the Great Northern, and confidence existed between

him and Morgan.

They wished a secure outlet for the products of the Northwest, also

access to Chicago over a line of their own. After a survey of the field

the promoters selected as the most available for the latter office the

Chicago, Burlington and Quincy. Purchase of shares in this corporation

was quietly begun. Soon the Burlington road was apparently in hand.

Prices rose.

Copyright. 1902. by Pach Bros., N. Y.

James J. Hill.

The Union Pacific control perceived in the aggression of the two

northern lines a menace to its northwestern and Pacific coast

connections. The Union Pacific leader, E. H. Harriman, resorted to an

unexpected coup. He attempted to purchase the Northern Pacific,

Burlington and all. A mysterious demand, set Northern Pacific shares

soaring. The stock reached $1,000 a share and none was obtainable. Panic

arose; bankers and brokers faced ruin.

The two sides now declared a truce. The Northern Securities Company was

created, with a capital approaching a billion dollars, to take over the

Burlington, Northern Pacific, and Great Northern stocks.

E. H. Harriman.

The States of Minnesota and Washington, unable in their own courts to

thwart this plan, sought the intervention of the United States Supreme

Court. Their suit was vain till the Administration came to the rescue.

At the instance of the Attorney-General, an injunction issued from the

high court named forbidding the Securities Company to receive the

control of the roads, and the holders of the railroad stocks involved to

give it over. It was observed, however, that at the very time of the

above proceedings the Southern Railways' power obtained control of the

Louisville and Nashville without jar or judicial obstruction.

While general, the process of confederation was specially conspicuous in

the iron and steel trade. In rapid succession the National Steel

Company, the American Sheet Steel Company, and the American Tin Plate

Company were each made up of numerous smaller plants. Each of these

corporations, with a capital from $12,000,000 to $40,000,000, owned the

mines, the ships, and the railways for hauling its products, the mills

for manufacturing, and the agencies for sale. Through the efforts of

John W. Gates numerous wire and nail works were combined into the

American Steel and Wire Company. The Federal Steel Company, the American

Bridge Company, the Republic Iron and Steel Company, huge and complete,

were dictators each in its field.

John W. Gates.

The Carnegie Steel Company long remained independent. Determined not to

enter a "combine," Andrew Carnegie sought to fortify his position. He

obtained a fleet of ships upon the lakes, purchased mines, undertook to

construct tube works at Conneaut, Ohio, and planned for railroads. A

battle of the giants, with loss and possible ruin for one side or the

other, impended. Carnegie was finally willing to sell. Hence, the United

States Steel Corporation capitalized for a billion dollars. Carnegie and

his partners were said to receive about $300,000,000 in bonds of the new

corporation, while the other trusts and the promoters absorbed the stock

for their properties and services. The underwriting syndicate probably

realized $25,000,000.

Copyright. 1902, by Rockwood. N. Y.

Andrew Carnegie.

The trust creators extended their operations abroad. In 1901 J. Pierpont

Morgan and associates acquired the Leyland line of Atlantic

steamships. British nerves had not recovered tone when a steamship

combination, embracing not only American and British but also German

lines and ship-building firms at Belfast and on the Clyde was announced.

Of the great Atlantic companies, only the Cunard line remained

independent. Parliamentary and ministerial assurances of governmental

attention only emphasized the strength of the association.

Copyright, 1901. by Pach Bros., N. Y:

J. Pierpont Morgan.

One effect of this organization at home was to place the Ship Subsidy

Bill, which passed the Senate in 1901, for the time, at least, on the

table. The sentiment of the country, especially of the Middle West,

would not permit the payment of public money to a concern commercially

able to defy Britannia on the sea.

The Yankee Peril confronted Londoners when they saw American capital

securing control of their proposed underground transit system. At their

tables they beheld the output of food trusts. One of these, the

so-called Beef Trust, called down upon itself in 1902 domestic as well

as foreign anathema.

The failure of the corn crop in 1900, together with a scarcity of

cattle, tended to raise the price of beef. In 1902 outcry became

emphatic. Advance in meat values drew forcibly to view the control held

by six slaughtering concerns acting in unison.

The President ordered an investigation, and, as a result, proceedings

under the Sherman Act to restrain the great packers from continuing

their alleged combination. A temporary injunction was granted. The slow

machinery of chancery bade fair to work out a decree, but long before it

was on record, alert spirits among the packing firms evolved a new plan

not obnoxious to decrees, but effective for union.

If the public suffered from these phalanxed industries while they ran

smoothly, it endured peculiar evils from the periodical conflicts

between the capital and the labor engaged in them.

The Steel Strike of 1901 was a conflict over the unionizing of certain

hitherto non-union plants of the United States Steel Corporation. It

resulted in defeat for the strikers and in the disunionizing of plants.

Col. Clements. Gen. Gobin, commanding troops

sent to Shenandoah in the coal strike of 1902.

This strike had no such consequences for the consuming public as

attended the anthracite coal strike of 1902, which was more bitterly

fought in that it was a conflict over wages. The standard of living had

been lowered in one of the coal-fields by the introduction of cheap

foreign labor. Now the same process threatened the other coal-field.

A strike ordered by the United Mine Workers began May 12, 1902, when one

hundred and forty-seven thousand miners went out. Though the record was

marred at places, they behaved well and retained to a large degree

public sympathy. When the price of anthracite rose from about $5 a ton

to $28 and $30, the parts of the country using hard coal were threatened

with a fuel famine and had begun to realize it. For the five months

ending October 12th, the strike was estimated to have cost over

$126,000,000. The operators stubbornly refused to arbitrate or to

recognize the union, and the miners, with equal constancy, held their

ranks intact.

Coal strike at Shenandoah, Pa., 1902. A strikers' picket.

Copyright, 1902, by George Grantham Bain.

The coal strike arbitrators chosen by the President. Carroll D. Wright,

Recorder; T. H. Watkins, General J. M. Wilson, Judge Gray, Presiding

Officer; E, W. Parker, E. E. Clark. and Bishop Spalding.

The problem of protecting the public pressed for solution as never

before. The only suggestion at first discussed was arbitration. Enforced

arbitration could not be effected in the absence of contract without

infringing the workingman's right to labor or to decline to do so; in

other words, without reducing him, in case of adverse decision by

arbitration, to a condition of involuntary servitude. It looked as

though no solution would be reached unless State or nation should

condemn and acquire ample portions of the mining lands to be worked

under its own auspices and in a just manner. This course was suggested,

but nearly all deemed it dangerously radical; nor was it as yet likely

to be adopted by Congress or by the Pennsylvania legislature, should

these powers be called to deal with the problem.

On October 3 President Roosevelt called the coal operators and President

Mitchell of the United Mine Workers to a conference at the White House,

urging them to agree. His effort, at first seeming unsuccessful, was

much criticised, but very few failed to praise it when, a few days

later, it was found to have succeeded completely. An able and impartial

commission, satisfactory to both sides, was appointed by the President

to act as arbitrator, both miners and operators agreeing to abide its

decrees. The miners, the four hundred thousand women and children

dependent on them, the poor beginning to suffer from cold, indeed the

whole nation, including, no doubt, the operators, felt relief.

"How much better," said the young President, once, addressing a

fashionable assembly, "boldly to attempt remedying a bad situation than

to sit quietly in one's retreat, sigh, and think how good it would be if

the situation could be remedied!"

CHAPTER II

ROOSEVELT'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION, 1901-1905

[1902]

The sentiment noted at the end of the last chapter seemed to be the

motive of Mr. Roosevelt's public life. Not only was he better informed

on the whole than almost any President who had sat in the chair before,

but he was a good lawyer, familiar with national and general history and

awake to all contemporary doings, questions, and interests south, west,

east, and abroad. He was also more a man of action and affairs than any

of his predecessors. He had, in a very high degree, alertness, energy,

courage, initiative, dispatch. Physically as well as mentally vigorous,

he read much, heard all who could usefully inform him, apprehended

easily, decided quickly, and toiled like Hercules. He was just and

catholic in spirit, appreciating whatever was good in any section of the

country or class of people. He respected precedent but was not its

slave. Rather than walk always in ruts with never a jolt, he preferred

some risks of tumbling over hummocks. Few public men of any age or

country have more fully met Aristotle's test of a statesman: "ability to

see facts as they exist and to do the things needing to be done."

Copyright. l904. by Pach Bros., N. Y.

John Hay, Secretary of State. [Died July 1, 1905.]

He had able aids; pre-eminent among these were John Hay, Secretary of

State, and Elihu Root, Secretary of War. Each was, to say the least,

the peer of his greatest predecessors in his office. It was mainly to

Mr. Root that we were indebted for starting the Cubans prosperously as

an independent nation. His service for the Philippines so far as it went

was not less distinguished; and he effected vitally important

reorganization and reform in the war office.

A well co-ordinated plan was developed whereby army officers were given

advanced training in the various branches of military science as in the

European countries. Neither the President nor Secretary Root advocated a

large standing army, but they both strove to bring the army "to the very

highest point of efficiency of any army in the civilized world." The

ability of Secretary Root to inaugurate reforms in a department which

when he became its head was overridden by tradition, was well expressed

by President Roosevelt as follows: "Elihu Root is the ablest man I have

known in our governmental service. I will go further. He is the greatest

man that has appeared in the public life of any country, in any

position, on either side of the ocean in my time."

Copyright. 1903. by Clinedinst, Washington.

Elihu Root, Secretary of War.

[Secretary of State, July 1905.]

Under Secretary Hay our State Department attained unprecedented

prestige, due in part to the higher position among the nations now

accorded us. This result itself Mr. Hay had done much to achieve; and he

passed hardly a month in his office without making some further addition

to the renown and influence of his country. If the United States

has--which may be doubted--raised up diplomatists with Mr. Hay's mastery

of international law and practice and his art and skill in conducting

delicate negotiations, we have probably never had his equal in

diplomatic initiative, or in the thorough preparation and presentation

of cases. He did not meet occasions merely but made them, not

arbitrarily but for the world's good. Settling the Alaskan boundary

favorably to the United States at every point save one, crumbling with

the single stroke of his Pauncefote treaty that Clayton-Bulwer rock on

which Evarts, Blaine, and Frelinghuysen in turn had tried dynamite in

vain, were deeds seldom matched in statecraft.

By an act of Congress, in 1903, a new member was added to the

President's cabinet in the person of the Secretary of the Department of

Commerce and Labor. George B. Cortelyou was the first man appointed to

that office. Two bureaus, those of corporations and of manufactures,

were created for the department. The other bureaus, such as the Bureau

of Statistics, Bureau of Standards of Weights and Measures and Coast and

Geodetic Survey, were transferred from the other departments. The place

of this new department was defined by the President in the following:

"to aid in strengthening our domestic and foreign markets, in perfecting

our transportation facilities, in building up our merchant marine, in

preventing the entrance of undesirable immigrants, in improving

commercial and industrial conditions, and in bringing together on common

ground those necessary partners in industrial progress--capital and

labor."

Photograph by Rice.

George B. Cortelyou,

Secretary of the Department of Commerce and Labor.

Among the problems engaging President Roosevelt none was of wider

interest than the construction of an Atlantic-Pacific canal. A

commission of nine, Rear-Admiral Walker its head, had been set by

President McKinley to find the best route. It began investigation in

the summer of 1899, visiting Paris to examine the claims of the French

Panama Company, and also Nicaragua and Panama. It surveyed, platted,

took borings, and made a minute and valuable report upon the work which

each of the proposed canals would require.

The Isthmian Canal Commission, taken March 22, 1904.

1. Col. Frank J. Hecker. 2. William Barclay Parsons. 3. Wm. H. Burr.

4. C. E. Grunsky. 5. Ad. J. G. Walker. 6. B. M. Harrod. 7. Gen. Geo. W. Davis.

The most practicable routes were Nicaragua and Panama. The Nicaragua way

was between three and four times the longer--183 miles to 49; 38 hours

from ocean to ocean as against 12. The Panama way was straighter, had

less elevation at its summit, and required fewer locks. Congress finally

decided to construct a high level lock-canal. The cost of keeping up and

operating a Panama canal was estimated at six-tenths that of one across

Nicaragua. Harbor expenses and facilities would be nearly the same for

both lines. The time required for construction, probably nine or ten

years, would be a trifle the less at Nicaragua. Control works, to keep

always the proper depth of water in the canal, could be more easily

maintained at Panama.

Panama political and commercial complications were serious. The isthmus

was Colombia territory, and, since October, 1899, a civil war had been

raging in that republic. Its financial condition was desperate. Two

hundred million inconvertible paper pesos had depreciated to the value

of two cents each in gold, yet were legal tender for all obligations. In

such a country, especially as war was in progress, the only government

able to maintain itself was despotic. Civil troubles were intensified by

dissension between Catholics and Protestants. Revolution accompanied any

change in administration.

Under Ferdinand de Lesseps, creator of the Suez Canal, the French

company had performed extensive excavations at Panama. The New Panama

Canal Company of France held certain concessions from the Colombian

government. The value of its assets was $109,000,000 at most. If we dug

at Nicaragua these would be worth little. Besides, a Nicaragua canal

completed, some $6,000,000 of stock owned by the French company in the

Panama railroad would dwindle in value.

The validity of the French company's rights was questioned. Its

agreement to work some each year had not been kept. Its charter was to

expire in October, 1904, but, for 5,000,000 francs, the Colombia

President granted a six-year extension. Even with this the French

franchise would revert to Colombia in 1910. Colombia wished delay. The

United States transcontinental railroads did not want a canal, as it

would divert from them heavy, bulky, and imperishable freight. They

therefore joined Colombia in seeking delay, playing off the Nicaragua

plan against the Panama, hoping to defeat both.

Late in 1901, newspapers in the United States began urging the purchase

from Colombia of a land belt across the isthmus to be United States

territory. Our Senate, December 16, 1901, by a vote of 72 to 6, ratified

the Hay-Pauncefote treaty with Great Britain, in which it was agreed

that we should build a canal, allowing all other nations to use it.

Meantime, spite of the fact that the Walker commission had recommended

Nicaragua route, public sentiment began to favor Panama. Even the Walker

commission changed to this view.

The Spooner act of Congress, approved June 28, 1902, authorized the

President to build an isthmian canal. The Panama properties and

franchises were to be bought if he could get good title and also obtain

the fee of a right of way from Colombia; otherwise he must pierce

Nicaragua. The act provided for all necessary funds. The French

company's claims were investigated, pronounced valid, and in due time

acquired by the United States.

The American Isthmus, showing routes investigated for a ship-canal.

Solid Lines--Routes investigated by the Isthmian Canal Commission.

Dashed Lines--Routes investigated by others.

Effort to secure from Colombia the required territorial rights was made

in the proposed Hay-Herran treaty, ratified by our Senate, 73 against 5,

March 17, 1903, under which we were to pay Colombia, besides an annual

rental $10,000,000 for the lease of a belt six miles wide from sea to

sea. August 17, 1903, the Colombian Senate rejected this treaty, and,

October 18, the government of that country proposed another, involving

the payment by us of $25,000,000 instead of $10,000,000. If we offered

this, would not the price rise to $30,000,000 or more?

Papers in the United States argued for a revolution in Panama. The

isthmus, it was urged, was in time nearer to Washington than to Bogota.

All Panama interests centred in the canal. Should Nicaragua get the

canal, Colon and Panama would be deserted. Both places owed their peace

to the presence of our navy. On the principle that treaties concerning

territory run with the territory, ignoring changes of sovereignty, our

time-honored obligation to keep peace on the isthmus, bound us, if

Panama set up for herself, to protect her even against Colombia. England

would concur. English ships would use the canal more than ours. Great

Britain, risking and spending nothing, would gain incalculably. France,

too, would acquiesce. The Frenchmen got some $40,000,000 if the canal

crossed Panama but lost everything if it passed to Nicaragua. Other

European nations wished the canal built and felt that now was the

accepted time. Latin-American States alone showed sympathy with

Colombia.

Photograph by Clinedinst.

M. Bunau-Varilla, Minister from Panama.

Revolution took place. On the afternoon of November 3, 1903, the Panama

city council declared that city independent of Colombia. Colon followed.

A provisional Panama government was organized. November 6 we recognized

Panama as an independent State. November 7 she appointed M.

Bunau-Varilla her diplomatic agent at Washington. November 13 he was, as

such, formally received by President Roosevelt. November 18 Secretary

Hay and M. Bunau-Varilla signed a treaty whose first article read: "The

United States guarantees and will maintain the independence of the

Republic of Panama." Articles II and III gave us, in effect, sovereignty

over a ten-mile wide canal zone between the oceans. This treaty was

ratified by Panama December 2, and by our Senate February 23, 1904.

November 16, 1903, Colombia protested to Great Britain against our

action, and, November 28, offered us a canal concession free if we would

permit her to subjugate Panama.

Both at home and abroad the administration was charged with sharp

practice for its Panama coup, and the case made out by critics was prima

facie strong--less, indeed, on its legal than on its ethical and

prudential side. We had allowed ourselves to profit by Colombia's

distress, encouraged secession in federal republics like our own, and

rendered ourselves and our Monroe doctrine objects of dread throughout

Central and South America. Still, Colombia had been so stiff and greedy

and the settlement was in the main so happy, that censure soon subsided.

All the powerful nations speedily followed our example and recognized

Panama's independence.

Copyright, 1900. by Underwood & Underwood, N. Y:

Great heaps of wreckage piled high by the Galveston disaster.

In September, 1900, the city of Galveston was visited by one of the

greatest disasters known in American history. A fierce storm swept the

waters of the gulf over the island on which Galveston is situated,

destroying property aggregating many millions of dollars and causing the

loss of 6,000 lives out of the total population of 37,000. For a time it

seemed that the site of the city would have to be abandoned, for the

highest land on which buildings stood was but a few feet above the

highest waves. It was determined, however, to build a stone wall three

miles in length which should be massive enough to protect the city from

any similar attack. Its top, which is five feet thick, is three feet

above the highest point reached by the water. The bottom of the wall is

sixteen feet thick. This wall, which is built concave toward the gulf,

is protected by earth and stone filled in for two hundred feet, thus

providing a driveway thirty feet wide with walks on either side,

beautified with trees and shrubs.

Photograph by H. H. Morris.

The boulevard and sea-wall, Galveston. Built after the flood.

The management of public affairs during the rebuilding of the city was

entrusted to a committee of experts. So efficiently and economically was

the administration of the government, that the Galveston Plan, commonly

spoken of as the Commission Plan, soon became a model for municipal

organization. A modification of this plan was soon put into operation at

Des Moines, Iowa. This plan consists of government by five salaried

persons, one of them acting as mayor. This body performs both

legislative and executive duties, each member being in charge of a

department of the city government. The arguments in favor of this type

of government are: (1) Responsibility is easily located; (2) a few men

receive such salaries that they may be expected to give their whole time

to the duties of their offices; (3) more civic interest will be aroused.

All officers are subject to removal at any time by vote of a certain

proportion of the people.

The Cuban government was organized in the spring of 1902. On May 20 of

that year, Governor-General Wood for the United States turned over the

government house at Havana to President Tomaso Estrada y Palma.

The ceremonies attending the transfer were impressive. A letter from

President Roosevelt addressed to the President and the Congress of the

Republic of Cuba was handed to President Palma. This declared the

occupation of Cuba by the United States to be at an end and tendered the

sincere friendship and good wishes of this country. At noon General Wood

hauled down the American flag, which had floated above the Governor's

palace at Havana, and assisted General Gomez in raising to the breeze

the red triangle with central silver star and three blue and two white

stripes constituting the flag of the new republic. All of the foreign

ships in the harbor likewise ran up the Cuban flag in honor of the

occasion. Forty-five shots, one for each State in the Union, were fired

as the stars and stripes were lowered from Morro Castle and the other

fortresses. The American troops saluted the new emblem, fired twenty-one

guns in honor of the new nation, and then embarked for the United

States. Thus was kept to the letter--a noble example of public

faith--the promise we made when invading Cuba, that we would not acquire

territory.

Copyright, 1902, by Underwood &Underwood, N.Y.

Tomaso Estrada y Palma,

First President of Cuba, in the palace, Havana.

Copyright. 1902, by Underwood & Underwood.

Lowering the Stars and Stripes on the palace,

May 20, 1902, for the flag of the Cuban Republic.

Those who prophesied a short life for the new republic and a reign of

fraud and corruption were mistaken. During the first year economy became

the rule in the administration of all branches of the public service,

the government was self supporting, and a balance accumulated in the

treasury. Moreover, the reforms inaugurated by Americans continued. Some

3,400 teachers were employed in the island and 120,000 pupils were in

constant attendance upon the schools. In all parts of the island the

effects of American rule were visible. Ten million dollars had been

expended in sanitation reforms and the cleansing of Havana and the other

cities. Industrial schools for orphan boys and girls were begun and

hospitals and asylums for the sick, helpless, and insane were

reestablished. By 1901 a railroad, with branch lines, was constructed

between Santiago and Havana, thus giving the whole island excellent

transportation facilities.

Cuba could not gain prosperity at a bound. Whereas the island should,

under natural conditions, have had $30,000,000 to $40,000,000 due her

from foreign countries in 1902, she was $50,000,000 in debt. Her

manufactures were insignificant. It was estimated that, in the year

named, $80,000,000 of American money was invested in Cuba. The main

enterprises were railroads, sugar and tobacco plantations, mines, and

fruit farms.

Free commercial intercourse with Spain no longer existing, Cuban sugar

and tobacco producers sought markets in the United States, leading to

the "reciprocity" conflict touched upon in Chapter XIII, Vol. V. During

1902 a reciprocity treaty was negotiated and promptly ratified in Cuba.

Our Senate amended it and returned it to Cuba for reconsideration.

Brought hither again, it was passed by our Senate in December, 1903.

President Roosevelt signed it December 17, declaring its provisions

effective in ten days.

The Philippine Commission (Chapter XV, Vol. V), four Americans and three

islanders, at first enacted laws by the authority of the President as

Commander-in-Chief. After the Congressional Act of July 1, 1902, the

formula ran: "By authority of the United States be it enacted by the

Philippine Commission." The government was pronouncedly civil both in

nature and in spirit, the natives being gradually placated, and only an

occasional outbreak demanding the presence of troops. Schools were

established, the English language and American ideas of government and

business introduced. No promise of Philippine independence was given,

yet the tenor of our whole policy toward the Filipinos, of official

utterances and of public sentiment relating to them, was to the effect

that we should never look upon any of the islands as a crown colony.

Gov. William H. Taft

[Secretary of War, 1905.]

The same interests that forbade Cuban reciprocity opposed tariff

concessions to the Philippines. A 25 per cent reduction from the Dingley

rates was the best that Congress would grant, though the commission

besought one of at least 75 per cent. For a time our behavior in this

too much resembled English and Spanish dealings with colonies centuries

ago. The United States acquired from the Philippine religious orders

422,337 acres of land, three-fifths of it highly cultivated and thickly

inhabited, for $7,239,000. In all, the government owned about 61,000,000

out of the perhaps 70,000,000 acres of land in the islands. Of the

government lands, 40,000,000 acres were forest.

The law of July 1, 1902, to supplement the commission, provided for a

native assembly of not more than 100 members or less than 50, with

annual sessions of 90 days. Municipal autonomy was allowed and became

common. An efficient constabulary was established, also a Philippine

mint and coinage system on a gold basis. Careful exploitation of the

agricultural, mineral, and other resources of the islands was provided

for, as well as an increasing number of public improvements in the

interest of order, health, and cleanliness. To promote investment in the

Philippine public works, 4 per cent bonds were issued, guaranteed by the

United States.

The Baltimore fire.

Lombard and Calvert Streets, Showing Continental and Equitable Buildings.

[1904]

Preparatory to forming the Philippine Assembly the commission took a

census of the islands. In 1905 the population returned from 342 islands

was 7,635,426. Of this number only about 9 per cent were wild tribes,

though more than half the entire population could neither read nor write

in any language. Of the 370,000 pupils in the newly established schools,

or double the number in attendance two years previously, one in nine on

the average had some understanding of English. Twelve thousand adults

were in the night schools, chiefly engaged in acquiring the English

language.

The Baltimore fire.

Hopkins Place and German Street, looking east.

In February, 1904, a fire broke out in the heart of the city of

Baltimore. Some 1,337 structures were either entirely destroyed or

rendered unfit for occupancy. The loss in buildings and other property

destroyed was about $75,000,000. With a few exceptions, the financial

district of the city was burned. For a time it was feared that the

losses would be so great that restoration could not be made, but new

plans were projected which included broader streets and better

buildings. Instead of a decrease in the number of business concerns,

there was an increase through the entrance of firms from the outside.

Copyright, 1904. William H. Rau, Philadelphia.

Opening Day at the Louisiana Purchase Exposition.

President D. K. Francis delivering the opening address.

The Varied Industries Building.

THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE EXPOSITION.

The Louisiana Purchase Exposition at St. Louis was opened April 30,

1904, and continued for seven months. It commemorated the acquisition of

the Louisiana territory which was consummated April 30, 1803, marking

one of the greatest events in American history. Out of this area had

been carved thirteen States and two territories wherein over 17,000,000

people were making their homes.

The design for the exposition represented the work of ten of the most

distinguished architects of the country. The buildings, grouped in

perfect taste, mostly of noble style, had 128 acres of floor space, far

beyond that at the disposal of any preceding fair. The grounds also were

unprecedentedly ample and beautifully diversified, containing about

1,200 acres. The total attendance, 18,741,073, fell short of that at

Chicago in 1893 by over 8,000,000.

The general plan of the exposition was intended to symbolize the history

of the Louisiana territory representing the successive occupants of the

soil--the wild animals; the  Indians; the discoverers; the explorers;

the hunters; the trappers, and the pioneers. The aim was to make it one

vast educational object lesson. To that end there were extensive

exhibits from thirty States and from the chief cities of work done in

the primary and secondary schools and in the universities and colleges

of the country. This feature culminated in the International Congress of

Arts and Sciences. Over 100 of the leading scholars from England,

France, Germany, Holland, Italy, Japan, the United States, and a number

of other countries made addresses and took part in the various

discussions. All the fields of human knowledge were represented by these

specialists.

One feature of this exposition was unique: it represented to an

unprecedented extent processes in lieu of products or in addition to

them. Every day at almost every point something was literally doing,

going on. Machinery whizzed, mines were operated, artists were at work,

experts showed their craft; Indians, Filipinos, the blind, deaf, and

dumb were taught.

CHAPTER III

PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1904

[1904]

The Republican convention met at Chicago, June 21, and on June 23

nominated Theodore Roosevelt for President. President Roosevelt's

nomination was a certainty from the beginning. This action was demanded

by the rank and file of Republicans, for his achievements were popular.

Among the problems which he had helped to solve were those growing out

of the war with Spain; settlement of the anthracite coal strike;

creation of the Department of Commerce and Labor; and the investigation

and prosecution of dishonesty in the post-office department.

Charles W. Fairbanks,

Vice-President of the United States.

Plans for the convention had all been matured in advance with the

exception of the selection of a candidate for Vice-President. By the

time the convention assembled the opinion was general that for

geographical reasons some one from Indiana should be named for this

office. Charles Warren Fairbanks, a leading lawyer in Indianapolis, who

was serving his second term in the United States Senate, was nominated

without any real opposition. He had served as a member of the Joint High

Commission to adjust international questions of moment between the

United States and Great Britain. Grover Cleveland and William Jennings

Bryan had declared they would not be candidates for the presidency and

the Democratic party was in a dilemma. Both the conservative and the

radical elements of the party declared they would write the platform and

name the candidates. Alton Brooks Parker, Chief Judge of the Court of

Appeals of New York, who was supported by Grover Cleveland, came

gradually into prominence as the candidate of the conservatives and

William Randolph Hearst of the radicals.

The Republican convention at Chicago, 1904.

The chief contest came in the Democratic convention of New York. There

Judge Parker was supported by David B. Hill, ex-United States senator,

and August Belmont, a New York banker. In consequence it was declared by

the opposition that Judge Parker was the candidate of the trusts, Wall

Street magnates, and a class of politicians of which Hill was the type.

This view was taken by Bryan. In spite of the opposition of Tammany

leaders and the Hearst faction, twice as many Parker as Hearst delegates

were chosen.

William R. Hearst.

In the convention, which met at St. Louis, July 9, Judge Parker received

658 votes for President on the first ballot, Hearst received 200, and

there were a few scattering votes. The requisite two-thirds came to

Parker before the result of the ballot was announced. Henry G. Davis, of

West Virginia, was named for the office of Vice-President.

He had served two terms in the United States Senate, had declined the

office of Post-Master General under President Cleveland, was very

wealthy, and noted for his philanthropy.

Bryan demanded that the platform should be silent on the question of the

money standard, but Parker declined the nomination unless it should be

understood that he would maintain the gold standard, and his declaration

was endorsed by the convention.

There were no distinguishing issues between the two leading parties. The

money question had disappeared and both parties were outspoken in their

declarations against trusts and combinations of capital.

The Populist party, in a convention made up of delegates from one-half

the States, nominated Thomas E. Watson, of Georgia, and Thomas H.

Tubbles, of Nebraska, for President and Vice-President, respectively.

There were two Socialist conventions: one, that of the Social Democratic

party, nominated Eugene V. Debs, of Indiana, for President, and the

Socialist Labor party named Charles H. Corregan, of New York, for the

same office. The nominees of the Prohibitionist party were Silas C.

Swallow, of Pennsylvania, for President, and George W. Carroll, of

Texas, for Vice-President.

The Democratic convention at St. Louis, 1904.

The campaign was noteworthy on account of the apathy which was very

general. Heated discussions so characteristic of previous political

contests were seldom heard, and arguments were addressed to the

intelligence of voters rather than to passion and prejudice.

It has been called a reading rather than a speaking campaign. The

leading Republican document was a pamphlet containing two notable

addresses. One of these was delivered by John Hay at Jackson, Mich., on

the occasion of the celebration of the semi-centennial of the founding

of the Republican party. He attributed to that party the success in the

conduct of public affairs since 1860, and praised President Roosevelt as

a man and great administrator. The other speech was similar in content,

and was delivered by Elihu Root as temporary chairman of the Republican

convention.

Alton B. Parker.

Toward the close of the campaign, the charge was made that the

Republicans were endeavoring to win through a wholesale purchase of

votes. It was asserted that George B. Cortelyou, manager of the

campaign, having obtained secrets of the conduct of some of the great

corporations, was using that knowledge to force them to contribute to

the Republican fund. A second charge proclaimed that the administration

had changed its attitude toward certain corporations and that the

magnates of Wall Street, having decided to elect Roosevelt, were

contributing generously to the Republican campaign fund. Shortly before

the day for the election, Judge Parker in a series of speeches announced

his belief in these reports. President Roosevelt declared that no proof

for the statements could be produced, and ended as follows: "The

statements made by Mr. Parker are unqualifiedly and atrociously false.

As Mr. Cortelyou has said to me more than once during this campaign, if

elected I shall go into the presidency unhampered by any pledge,

promise, or understanding of any kind, sort or description, save my

promise, made openly to the American people, that so far as in my power

lies I shall see to it that every man has a square deal, no less and no

more." In his reply, Judge Parker reiterated the charge, but gave no

concrete instances of money having been obtained from corporations.

Photograph by Clinedinst, Washington, D. C.

Inauguration of President Roosevelt, March 4. 1905.

Out of a total vote of 13,544,705, Roosevelt received 7,630,893 votes,

or 2,524,244 more than his leading competitor. His majority was

1,717,081. Debs received 397,308 votes; Swallow, 258,039; Watson,

114,306; Corregan, 32,516. Thirty-three States gave Roosevelt majorities

and twelve Southern States returned majorities for Parker. In the

electoral college Roosevelt received 336 votes and Parker 140. A

surprising feature of the election was the large number of independent

votes cast, as shown by the fact that Minnesota, Massachusetts,

Missouri, and Montana, while giving majorities for the Republican

candidates, elected Democratic governors, and in several other States a

similar tendency was manifest in the divergence between the vote for the

national candidates and local candidates.

CHAPTER IV

AMERICA AND THE CHINESE OPEN DOOR

[1905]

The aggressive policy of President Roosevelt continued throughout the

four years succeeding March 4, 1905, when he again took the oath of

office as President. In his suggested reforms he continued to be a real

leader of the people. John Hay, who for seven years had so efficiently

performed his duties as Secretary of State, was continued in that

office. William H. Taft, after his return from the Philippine Islands,

where he had held the office of first civil governor, succeeded Elihu

Root as Secretary of War.

The United States, having become a world power after the war with Spain,

assumed leadership in the adjustment of Chinese problems. At the close

of the century American manufacturers had built up in China a market for

their cotton goods which they desired to extend. At the same time strife

arose among some of the European nations for trade advantages in that

empire. Great Britain, France, Germany, Russia, and Italy were demanding

for their citizens concessions, leases, franchises, and special trade

privileges in various parts of that country. Gradually, spheres of

influence covering certain regions were acquired and it seemed probable

that China would be partitioned among the European Powers as Africa had

been in the previous decade. This would be a blow to American export

trade. Now the acquisition of the Philippine Islands gave us a vantage

point from which we could consistently exert influence in Oriental

affairs. In September, 1899, John Hay addressed a note to the European

Powers interested, asking recognition of the policy of the "open door,"

which means that no power should exclude the citizens of other nations

from equal trade rights, within its sphere of influence, in China.

Without winning complete acceptance from all the nations, the justice of

this policy was, in the main, approved.

Copyright by Underwood & Underwood, N.Y.

Count Von Waldersee escorted by officers of the allied armies

between lines of U. S. troops toward the Sacred Gate, Peking.

During the following year came the Boxer Rebellion in which there were

massacres of Europeans and Americans. When the foreign legations were

besieged in Peking, United States troops took part in the expedition

which marched to their relief. Seizure of Chinese territory, as

indemnity, might have followed, but Secretary Hay brought the influence

of this country to bear in securing guarantees of the territorial

integrity of China and equal trade rights in its ports.

Friendly relations between the Chinese Empire and the United States were

still further strengthened by the liberal attitude of our government

relative to the indemnity growing out of the Boxer uprising. The total

amount which China had obligated itself to pay the governments,

societies, and private individuals was $333,000,000. Of this sum,

$24,400,778 was allotted to the United States. As a mark of friendship

for China, Congress upon the recommendation of President Roosevelt,

1907, cancelled the obligation of China to pay that part of the

stipulated indemnity in excess of $11,655,492, or an amount adequate to

cover the actual amount of the claims. This generous conduct prompted

the Chinese government to devote the funds thus remitted to the sending

of Chinese students to this country for their education. About one

hundred of these students have entered our schools and colleges each

year since 1907. American institutions will, as a consequence, have a

great influence on the progressive development of China.

For some time Russia had been extending her influence over the Chinese

tributary province of Manchuria. In 1903 negotiations for a new

commercial treaty were begun between China and the United States. There

were numerous delays on account of an agreement relative to opening the

Manchurian ports. For a time it seemed probable that the American demand

that her trading rights should be restored in Manchuria would bring on

serious complications with Russia. Upon the completion of the treaty,

however, the request was renewed and China acquiesced by opening the

ports of Mukden and Ta Tung Kao to the ships of all nations. At the same

time Russia agreed that she would in no way oppose this action.

Copyright 1901, by Underwood & Underwood.

American flag raised over battered remnants of South Gate

immediately after city's capture. Battle of Tien-Tsin, China.

At the outbreak of the war between Japan and Russia, in 1904, Secretary

Hay took another step toward maintaining the administrative entity of

the Chinese Empire. At the suggestion of Germany he addressed a note to

the powers which had taken part in the treaty of Peking, asking them to

pledge themselves to limit the area of the war; keep China from becoming

involved, and use their best endeavors to prevent the violation of

Chinese interests by either belligerent, provided China should maintain

absolute neutrality. These proposals were agreed to by the signatory

nations, and both Russia and Japan promised to respect Chinese

neutrality.

Meantime a new national spirit had been developing rapidly in China and

a greater sensitiveness was manifest toward the treatment of Chinese

outside the empire. The strict interpretation of the Chinese Exclusion

act had caused many Chinese entering the ports of the United States

unwarranted hardships. A crisis was reached in 1905.

Arrival of Chinamen at Malone, N. Y.,

from Canada, accompanied by officials.

According to the rules adopted by the Secretary of Commerce and Labor,

neither the immigration acts nor the Chinese exclusion acts apply to a

Chinese person born in the United States. Under the laws, all Chinese

laborers, both skilled and unskilled, are prohibited from entering the

United States, but this prohibition does not extend to merchants,

teachers, students, and travellers who are to be granted all the rights,

privileges, and exemptions accorded the citizens of any other nation. In

spite of these rulings, Ju Toy, who claimed to have been born in the

United States, was deported. Three Chinamen, with their sister, who had

been studying in the English schools came to Boston. Notwithstanding

they had a letter from Mr. Choate, former United States ambassador to

Great Britain, they were not allowed to land with other passengers, and

were otherwise humiliated by the formalities to which they were

subjected. Men of influence throughout the Chinese Empire were aroused

and a circular was issued, in May, 1905, which was widely disseminated

in the chief cities, calling for agreement not to buy any more American

goods. Newspapers urged students to leave schools where American

teachers were employed or American text-books or supplies were used. At

this juncture President Roosevelt was appealed to by the American

members of the Chinese Educational Association. Acting with his

accustomed vigor, he issued instructions to the Secretary of Commerce

and Labor to send a letter to all immigration officials, instructing

them that "any discourtesy shown to Chinese persons by any officials of

the Government will be the cause for immediate dismissal from the

service." In his message to Congress he declared that it was Chinese

laborers alone who are undesirable, and that other Chinamen--students,

professional men, merchants--should be encouraged to come to the United

States. "We have no right," he wrote, "to claim the open door in China

unless we do equity to the Chinese."

CHAPTER V

INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION

[1903-1905]

Great progress was made during the nineteenth century toward the

settlement of differences between nations through arbitration. The

United States was a party to 50 out of the total number of 120

arbitration treaties. Questions settled in this manner, such as

boundary, damages inflicted by war or civil disturbances and injuries to

commerce, would formerly have led to war. Twenty of these cases have

been between the United States and Great Britain, and a settlement was

effected when, at times, it seemed as if war could not be averted.

The work of the Hague Peace Conference, which met May 18, 1899,

constituted a fitting close to the efforts which were put forth during

the century to bring about conciliation through arbitration. The

conference assembled in response to an invitation issued by the Czar of

Russia "on behalf of disarmament and the permanent peace of the world."

One hundred and ten delegates were present, representing twenty-six

different powers of which the United States was one. The delegates were

divided into three commissions, each having separate subjects for

consideration.

The House in the Woods, The Hague, Holland,

where the first Peace Conference was held.

The first commission adopted unanimously the resolution that "the

limitation of the military charges which so oppress the world is

greatly to be desired," but agreed that this  could not now be

accomplished through an international compact.

In the second commission a revision of the Declaration of Brussels

concerning the rules of war was made. It was agreed by the entire

conference that a new convention for this purpose should be called, and

that the protection offered by the Red Cross, as agreed upon in the

Geneva convention, should also be extended to naval warfare.

The proposition expressing the desire that international conflicts might

in the future be settled through arbitration was considered by the third

commission. Said ex-President Harrison: "The greatest achievement of the

Hague conference was the establishment of an absolutely impartial

judicial tribunal." Some of the chief features of this permanent court

of arbitration were as follows:

(1) Each nation which agreed to the plan was to appoint, within three

months, four persons of recognized competency in international law, who

were to serve for six years as members of the International Court;

(2) an International Bureau was established at The Hague for the purpose

of carrying on all intercourse between the signatory powers relative to

the meetings of the court and to serve also as the recording office, for

the court;

(3) nations in dispute may select from the list of names appointed as

above, and submitted to them by the bureau, those persons whom they

desire to act as arbitrators;

(4) the meetings of the court are to be held at The Hague unless some

other place is stipulated by the nations in the controversy.

The permanent International Court of Arbitration was declared to be

organized and ready for operation by April, 1901. At that time there

were seventy-two judges appointed by twenty-two of the signatory powers,

It is readily seen that the advantages of such a court are that

unprejudiced arbitrators are selected, rules of procedure are defined,

and decisions rendered are more liable to be accepted in future cases

and thus a code of law will be formed. So many cases have been submitted

to this tribunal that it has been said that a government which will not

now try arbitration before resorting to arms is no longer considered

respectable. This court was convened for the first time May 18, 1901.

The first case coming before the tribunal--the Pious Fund Case--was

presented by the United States and Mexico, September 15, 1902. Up to

1846 the Mexican government had paid annual interest on some property

administered by it but belonging to the Catholic church. Part of it was

situated in what is now California. After 1848, when this California

estate came under United States jurisdiction, Mexico refused to pay that

part of the church outside of Mexico its share. This difference between

our Government and Mexico the Hague Tribunal took up.

Agreeably to chapter 3, title 4, of the agreement, each party named two

arbitrators, and the latter, acting together, an umpire. In case of an

equality of votes a third power, designated by agreement of the parties,

was to select the umpire. The arbitrators chosen were M. de Martens, of

the Orthodox Greek church; Sir Edward Fry, an English Protestant; M.

Asser, a Jew, and M. Savornin-Loman, a Dutch Protestant. Decision was

reached within the prescribed thirty days and announced October 14,

1902. It favored the United States contention, giving its proportion of

the Mexican payments to the Catholic church in California.

President Castro of Venezuela.

A second case, involving issues of war and peace, arose from the action

of Great Britain and Germany against Venezuela in the winter of

1902-1903. Subjects of these as well as of  other powers had claims

against Venezuela. That country was in financial straits and its

creditors pressed. December 9, 1902, British and German war-ships sunk

or seized some Venezuelan vessels; next day they landed marines at La

Guayra, who took possession of the custom house; the 14th they bombarded

and demolished a fort at Puerto Cabello. Through the good offices of the

United States the matter of debts was referred to the Hague Tribunal.

The German claims were decided by two representatives of Germany and two

of Venezuela, or, if they disagreed, by an umpire whom the United States

selected. So with the other claims. The tribunal fixed the order in

which Venezuela should pay the different countries, and the United

States was charged with overseeing the payments, a percentage of

Venezuelan customs receipts being reserved for that purpose.

In 1903 Andrew Carnegie donated $1,500,000 for the purpose of erecting a

"palace of peace," the permanent head-quarters of this court. The deed

of trust states: "The establishment of a permanent Court of Arbitration

by the treaty of the 29th of July, 1899, is the most important step

forward, of a world-wide humanitarian character, that has ever been

taken by the joint powers, as it must ultimately banish war, and

further, being of opinion that the cause of peace will greatly benefit

by the erection of a court house and library for the permanent Court of

Arbitration," etc.

The new Peace Palace, The Hague, Holland.

The site of this building, which will be ready for occupancy in 1912, is

near The Hague. Its exterior will resemble some of the old city walls to

be seen in Holland. The various governments which were parties to the

treaty have contributed materials for the completion of the interior and

objects of art for decoration. The United States presented a large

marble group of statuary called "Peace Through Justice."

Two notable congresses were held in the United States during the year

1904, for the purpose of promoting the peace of the world. The

Inter-Parliamentary Union held a meeting, the twelfth in its history, in

connection with the World's Fair at St. Louis. This organization was

founded at Paris in 1888 by thirty members of the French Chamber of

Deputies and ten members of the British Parliament, for the purpose of

promoting the cause of peace and arbitration. Scoffed at from the

beginning, the Union continued to grow until it included parliamentary

delegates from every European country having a constitutional form of

government.

The meeting of the Union at St. Louis was the first to be held in the

United States, for this country took no part in the organization until

1903. Russia and Turkey, having no parliaments, are not represented in

the meetings of the Union. It is a noteworthy fact however that the Czar

sent an official representative to the meeting in 1896 and that it was

due to his report of that meeting, more than to any other cause, that

the Czar invited the nations to send representatives to The Hague in

1898.

Russian and Japanese Peace Envoys in session at Portsmouth, N. H.

In the congress at St. Louis, representatives from the deliberative

bodies of fifteen nations were present. Among these delegates were some

of the well-known public men from Great Britain, France, Germany,

Austria, Italy, Belgium, The Netherlands, the United States, and various

other countries. They were practical men and not dreamers.

Two important resolutions resulted from the gathering. One of these

called upon the powers to intervene and put an end to the war between

Russia and Japan. The other invited the President of the United States

to call a second peace congress, similar to the Hague conference. The

resolution, addressed to President Roosevelt, stated that there were a

number of questions left unsettled from the first Hague conference and

that new problems had arisen since that time which demanded

readjustment, such as the use of wireless telegraphy in the time of war.

On October 3 of the same year an international peace congress was held

in Boston. Numerous congresses of this nature have been held from time

to time since the meeting of the first one in London in 1843. Since the

year 1888, when a congress was held in Paris, an international peace

congress has met each year with the exception of 1895, the year of the

Boer war, and in 1898 and 1899, on account of the Spanish-American war.

The first of these congresses in America was held in conjunction with

the Columbian Exposition at Chicago, 1893. There were in attendance at

Boston distinguished statesmen, clergymen, scholars, and professional

men, and a number of noted women, representing the many peace and

arbitration societies in Great Britain, Germany, Austria, and numerous

other countries.

On the Sunday before the opening of the congress, special services were

held in many of the Boston churches and the peace movement was discussed

by distinguished preachers from Europe and America. In the deliberative

sessions, which were held in Faneuil Hall, the Old South Meeting House,

and other places, the first session being opened by an address by

Secretary of State John Hay, the following topics, among others, were

discussed: the work and influence of the Hague Tribunal; the reduction

of the armaments of the nations; education and the peace sentiment. But

here, as in every previous congress, the two topics to receive primary

consideration have been arbitration and disarmament. At all times there

has been the urgent appeal to the nations to abandon the brutality and

injustice of war and to adopt the humane and just methods of peace.

In response to the resolution adopted at St. Louis, President Roosevelt,

on October 20, 1904, invited the nations which had taken part in the

first Hague conference to another conference at the same place. But in

his message to Congress of that year he defined very clearly his own

position, condemning in no uncertain terms the thought of peace at any

price. "There are kinds of peace," he said, "which are highly

undesirable, which are in the long run as destructive as any war. The

peace of tyrannous terror, the peace of craven weakness, the peace of

injustice--all these should be shunned as we shun unrighteous war."

Building where the second Peace Conference

was held, The Hague, Holland.

Favorable replies to the invitation sent by President Roosevelt were

received from all the nations. Russia, then in the midst of war with

Japan, while approving, stipulated that the conference should not be

called until the end of that war. When peace was restored, in the summer

of 1905, Emperor Nicholas II issued an invitation to fifty-three nations

to send representatives to such a conference. For the first time, nearly

every independent nation on the globe was represented among the

delegates in an international gathering of this nature. It met at The

Hague during the summer of 1907.

First session of the second Peace Conference, The Hague, Holland.

Delegates from the United States were instructed to favor obligatory

arbitration; the establishment of a permanent court of arbitration; the

prohibition of force in the collection of contract debts; immunity from

seizure of private property at sea; a clearer definition of the rights

of neutrals, and the limitation of armaments.

While belief was reasserted by the conference that there should be the

obligatory arbitration of all questions relating to treaties and

international problems of a legal nature, the principle was not adopted,

although thirty-two nations of the forty-five represented favored it.

The resolution adopted, which provided for the collection of contract

debts, is as follows: "In order to avoid between nations armed conflicts

of a purely pecuniary origin arising from contractual debts claimed of

the government of one country by the government of another country to be

due to its nationals, the signatory powers agree not to have recourse to

armed force for the collection of such contractual debts. However, this

stipulation shall not be applicable when the debtor State refuses or

leaves unanswered an offer to arbitrate; or, in case of acceptance,

makes it impossible to formulate the terms of submission; or, after

arbitration, fails to comply with the award rendered."

Provision was made for an international prize court, to which appeal

might be made from the prize courts of the belligerent powers. The

declaration was adopted prohibiting the throwing of projectiles and

explosives from balloons.

Before the end of the year 1908, one hundred and thirty-five arbitration

treaties had been concluded. The United States was a party to twelve of

these. Most of the treaties bind the signatory powers to submit to the

Hague Tribunal all differences in so far as they do not affect "the

independence, the honor, the vital interests, or the exercise of

sovereignty of the contracting countries, and provided it has been

impossible to obtain an amicable solution by means of direct diplomatic

negotiations or by any other method of conciliation."

CHAPTER VI

THE UNITED STATES AND LATIN AMERICA

[1905-1906]

Looking toward the completion of the Panama Canal, there has been a

revival of interest on the part of the United States in the republics of

South America. From the time of the promulgation of the Monroe Doctrine,

there has been a distant friendship on our part for these nations. The

plan inaugurated by James G. Blaine when Secretary of State is much

better understood to-day than in his time. In 1881, with the desire of

emphasizing the leadership of the United States in the western

hemisphere, he proposed a congress of all the American nations. Nothing

came of the proposal at the time, but in 1888 Congress passed a

resolution providing for such an international conference. The meeting

was in Washington the following year, and Secretary Blaine, as chairman,

exercised great influence. While the direct results of the meeting were

not great--principally a declaration in favor of the arbitration of all

disputes among these nations--the indirect benefits were considerable.

In 1901 a second Pan-American congress was held in the city of Mexico.

Courtesy of the Pan-American Union.

Federal Palace, where the second Pan-American

Congress was held in the City of Mexico.

In the meantime the trade with these countries has been largely

monopolized by England, France, and Germany. During the year 1905, the

total exports and imports of the Latin-American countries amounted to

$2,000,000,000. Of this foreign trade the United States bought 35 per

cent of the exports and sold to these countries only 27 per cent of

their imports, producing an unfavorable balance of trade amounting to

$200,000,000. Of the goods imported from this country, over one-fourth

went to Mexico and Cuba. In that year Brazil bought from the United

States only 11 per cent of its imports. Argentina, with a larger foreign

trade than either Japan or China, bought only 14 per cent of its imports

from the United States. With the exception of Mexico, the foreign

commerce of the Latin-American states with European countries has

increased more rapidly than with the United States. Various reasons have

been given for this situation. The sensitive South American resents the

air of superiority assumed toward them by the people of the United

States. In our newspapers there is a seeming disregard for the real

evidences of their national development. Revolutions and boundary

disputes have been exaggerated. In general, citizens of the United

States have no comprehension of the advancement of these countries

within recent times and appreciate but slightly that their economic

future is as fully assured as our own. Argentina constitutes an

excellent example of this progress. This country has an area of

1,135,840 square miles. Splendid rivers water the immense plains. The

chief of these, the Parana, which flows 2,000 miles through the country,

carries a volume of water to the sea one and one-half times that of the

Mississippi, and is capable of floating ships having a draught of 18

feet for 600 miles into the interior. Buenos Ayres, with a population of

1,000,000, in 1906 had a volume of foreign trade amounting to

$562,000,000, constituting it the twelfth port in the world. In 1905

over 10,000,000 acres of land were cultivated in Argentina, an increase

of fourfold within fifteen years. The cereals, cotton, fruits, and meats

produced amounted to $350,000,000.

That the volume of trade between this country and the South American

states has been so small has been due also to the fact that so few

vessels flying the stars and stripes are engaged in this trade.

According to the report of Secretary Root, in 1906, there were in the

harbor of Rio Janeiro the previous year, 1,785 ships flying the flag of

Great Britain; 657 the flag of Germany; 349 the French; 142 the

Norwegian, and 7 sailing vessels (two of them in distress) the flag of

the United States. The bulk of goods from this country to South America

goes by the way of European ports and on foreign ships.

Courtesy of the Pan-American Union.

Monroe Palace, where the third Pan-American

Conference was held in Rio de Janeiro.

July 4, 1906, the third Pan-American conference was opened at Rio

Janeiro. Among the leading questions discussed were: (1) the right of

creditor nations to enforce by war on the debtor nations contractual

obligations, or the right to use gun-boats as collection agents; and (2)

those relating to commercial intercourse. Besides the regular delegates

from the United States, Elihu Root, Secretary of State, was present at

the opening session. His address at this meeting, together with his

visit to the leading cities, served to inaugurate a new understanding

between these countries and the United States. The true American policy

was set forth by Secretary Root in the following toast: "May the

independence, the freedom, and the rights of the least and weakest be

ever respected equally with the rights of the strongest, and may we all

do our share toward the building up of a sound and enlightened public

opinion of the Americas which shall everywhere, upon both continents,

mightily promote the reign of peace, of order, and of justice in every

American republic." He went as Ambassador Extraordinary representing the

President of the United States. In order to emphasize his official

position, he travelled on an American war-ship. His addresses made in

the various cities were intended to be an official declaration from the

government of the United States, and that position was outlined in his

formal address before the congress. "We wish for no victories," he said,

"but those of peace; for no territory except our own; for no sovereignty

except the sovereignty over ourselves. We deem the independence and

equal rights of the smallest and weakest member of the family of nations

entitled to as much respect as those of the greatest empire, and we deem

the observance of that respect the chief guaranty of the weak against

the oppression of the strong. We neither claim nor desire any rights or

privileges or powers that we do not freely concede to every American

republic. We wish to increase our prosperity, to expand our trade, to

grow in wealth, in wisdom, and in spirit, but our conception of the true

way to accomplish this is not to pull down others and profit by their

ruin, but to help all friends to a common prosperity and a common

growth, that we may all become greater and stronger together."

Courtesy of the Pan-American Union.

Arrival of Secretary Root at Rio de Janeiro.

The International Bureau of American Republics was founded as a result

of the first Pan-American conference. The original plans of the

founders were not carried out owing to a lack of interest on the part of

the Department of State as well as in the foreign offices of the South

American countries. Secretary Root determined to make this bureau an

efficient agency for bringing about better relations between the two

continents. He defined the main purpose to be not only to build up trade

and commerce among all American nations, but to promote more friendly

relations, a better understanding of each other, and the general

prosperity and well-being of all the countries of the American

continents. Through gifts from Andrew Carnegie and contributions from

the different South American states a splendid modern building, costing

$1,000,000, was erected in Washington, 1908, as the home of the Bureau

of the Pan-American Republics. Besides other enterprises, the Bureau

publishes a monthly periodical which contains information on the

commerce, new enterprises, and general development of each republic.

Photograph by Clinedinst.

The Bureau of the Pan-American Republics.

With these new relationships came a new interpretation of the Monroe

Doctrine. At various times European nations have engaged in

controversies with South American states over the payment of debts due

the citizens of the former. The question has then arisen, to what extent

shall the United States permit the use of force against the debtor

nations? The wider application of the Monroe Doctrine under President

Cleveland looking toward the maintenance of the rights of the weaker

American nations, has been followed by recognition of our obligation to

secure the performance of duties by those nations. Said President

Roosevelt (1905): "We cannot permanently adhere to the Monroe Doctrine

unless we succeed in making it evident, in the first place, that we do

not intend to treat it in any shape or way as an excuse for

aggrandizement on our part at the expense of the republics to the south

of us; second, that we do not intend to permit it to be used by any of

these republics as a shield to protect that republic from the

consequences of its own misdeeds against foreign nations; third, that

inasmuch as by this doctrine we prevent other nations from interfering

on this side of the water, we shall ourselves in good faith try to help

those of our sister republics, which need such help, upward toward peace

and order."

The immediate cause for this statement by President Roosevelt was the

problem confronting our government on account of the bankrupt condition

of the Republic of Santo Domingo. Debts had accumulated for over thirty

years until by the beginning of 1905 they amounted to more than

$32,000,000. Each successive ruler became a more reckless borrower and

new loans were secured upon harsher terms.

Finally affairs were brought to a crisis on account of the pressure on

the part of the French and Italian governments for the payment of the

claims of their citizens. The republic was on the verge of dissolution

when President Roosevelt intervened. European governments were

satisfied, for it signified the payment of their claims. An agreement

was signed by representatives of the government of Santo Domingo and of

the United States whereby the United States was to undertake the task of

collecting and apportioning the revenues of Santo Domingo. The

stipulation was made that no plan of annexation, purchase, or permanent

control on the part of the United States should ensue. Agents were to be

appointed by the United States who should take charge of the

customhouses. Forty-five per cent of the total receipts were to be used

in carrying on the affairs of the republic and the balance was to go to

pay the indebtedness. In his message, February, 1905, President

Roosevelt, pressing upon the Senate the urgent need for the ratification

of this agreement, said: "The state of things in Santo Domingo has

become hopeless unless the United States or some other strong government

shall interpose to bring order out of chaos. . . . If the United States

declines to take action and other foreign governments resort to action

to secure payment of their claims, the latter would be entitled,

according to the decision of the Hague Tribunal in the Venezuela cases,

to the preferential payment of their claims; and this would absorb all

the Dominican revenues and would be a virtual sacrifice of American

claims and interests in the island. If, moreover, any such action should

be taken by them, the only method to enable the payment of their claims

would be to take possession of the custom-houses, and, considering the

state of the Dominican finances, this would mean a definite and very

possibly permanent occupation of Dominican territory, for no period

could be set to the time which would be necessarily required for the

payment of their obligations and unliquidated claims." The Senate, in

special session, shirked responsibility and refused either to ratify or

reject the treaty.

With the revolutionists on the island growing stronger and the European

Powers becoming more insistent, President Roosevelt, disregarding the

attitude of the Senate, appointed an American as receiver of customs.

The move proved immediately successful. The insurrection died out, trade

revived, smuggling ceased, and the people were infused with a new

spirit. There was also a remarkable increase in the customs receipts,

those of 1906 showing an increase of 44 per cent over the receipts of

1905 and 72 per cent over those of 1904. Although only 45 per cent of

the revenues collected were turned over to the Dominican government,

this sum was almost double the amount which they had received when they

had control of the collection themselves.

After two years of discussion, the treaty was ratified by the Senate,

February 25, 1907, and by the Dominican Congress, May 3. The terms were

practically those which had been carried out by order of President

Roosevelt. The United States, in a sense, became the trustee of Santo

Domingo, and thus established a new relation between this country and

the smaller republics of the western hemisphere.

CHAPTER VII

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES

[1906]

Toward the close of the nineteenth century, attention was called to the

fact by scientific men that the methods employed in the use of our soil,

mines, forests, and water supply were extremely wasteful. During the

previous decades the resources of the country were regarded as

inexhaustible. As stated by President Roosevelt in 1907: "Hitherto as a

nation we have tended to live with an eye single to the present, and

have permitted the reckless waste and destruction of much of our

national wealth." At the same time the call came for the conservation of

our natural resources.

The destruction of the forests first attracted attention. The first

national reservation of forests was made in 1891, and in 1898 a marked

advance was made by the establishment of a division of Forestry in the

Department of Agriculture. Gifford Pinchot, as chief of the division,

called attention of the people to the interdependence of the forests and

the waterways.

Grizzly Giant, Mariposa Grove, California, with a squad of cavalry at

its base.

Big tree "Wanona," showing the relative size of other conifers compared

with big trees. Mariposa Grove.

In 1906, after long effort, the famous Mariposa Grove of large trees in

California was made a national reservation. During the same year a bill

was passed by Congress providing for the preservation of Niagara Falls.

Public opinion had been aroused by the campaign of the American Civic

Association. Power companies had multiplied so rapidly that it seemed

the whole volume of water was about to be used for commercial purposes

and that the most famous object of natural scenery in the United States

would be destroyed.

In response to appeals from the people of the interior, President

Roosevelt, March 14, 1907, appointed the Inland Waterways Commission. In

his letter which created the commission he said: "The time has come for

merging local projects and uses of the inland waters in a comprehensive

plan designed for the benefit of the entire country. . . . I ask that

the Inland Waterways Commission shall consider the relations of the

streams to the use of all the great permanent natural resources and

their conservation for the making and maintenance of prosperous homes."

This commission while carrying on its investigations discussed the

general policy of conservation and suggested to the President the

calling of a convention for the purpose of discussing the conservation

of the nation's resources. Thus originated the celebrated White House

conference of May 13-15, 1908. The opening session presented an

impressive scene, for there were assembled in the east room of the White

House, upon the invitation of the President, the Vice-President, seven

members of the cabinet, all of the justices of the Supreme Court, most

of the representatives and senators, thirty-four governors of States

together with their advisers, and representatives of the governors of

the remaining States, governors of the Territories, representatives of

sixty-eight national societies, and numerous special guests.

The opening address of President Roosevelt was a notable effort. "This

conference," he said, "on the conservation of natural resources is in

effect a meeting of the representatives of all the people of the United

States called to consider the weightiest problem now before the nation.

. . . We have become great in a material sense because of the lavish use

of our resources, and we have just reason to be proud of our growth. But

the time has come to inquire seriously what will happen when our forests

are gone; when the coal, the iron, the oil, and the gas are exhausted;

when the soils shall have been still further impoverished and washed

into the streams, polluting the rivers, denuding the fields, and

obstructing navigation. These questions do not relate only to the next

century or the next generation. One distinguishing characteristic of

really civilized men is foresight; we have to, as a nation, exercise

foresight for this nation in the future, and if we do not exercise that

foresight, dark will be the future!"

During the meeting numerous addresses were made on the conservation of

the minerals, of the soils, of the forests, and of the waters of the

country. In his address on the conservation of ores and related

minerals, Andrew Carnegie declared that during the three-fourths of a

century from 1820 to 1895 nearly 4,000,000,000 tons of coal were mined

by methods so wasteful that 6,000,000,000 tons were either destroyed or

allowed to remain in the ground forever inaccessible. From 1896 to 1906

as much coal was produced as during the preceding seventy-five years.

During this decade 3,000,000,000 tons were destroyed or left in the

ground beyond reach for future use. Basing his statements on the

investigations of scientists, he showed that at the present rate of

increase in production the available coal of the country would be

exhausted in two hundred years and the workable iron ore within a

century.

Copyright by Underwood and Underwood.

The President, Governors, and other leading

men at the National Resources Conference,

at the White House, May 13 to 15, 1908.

Similarly, James J. Hill demonstrated that the forests of this country

are fast disappearing and that from three to four times as much timber

was consumed each year as forest growth restored. His statements

regarding the tremendous soil waste in our farming methods were likewise

astounding. Resolutions were adopted covering the entire subject of

conservation as shown in one of them as follows: "We agree that the land

should be so used that erosion and soil-wash shall cease; that there

should be reclamation of arid and semi-arid regions by means of

irrigation, and of swamps and overflowed regions by means of drainage;

that the waters should be so conserved and used as to promote

navigation, to enable the arid regions to be reclaimed by irrigation,

and to develop power in the interests of the people; that the forests

which regulate our rivers, support our industries, and promote the

fertility and productiveness of the soil should be preserved and

perpetuated; that the minerals found so abundantly beneath the surface

should be so used as to prolong their utility; that the beauty,

healthfulness, and habitability of our country should be preserved and

increased; that the sources of national wealth exist for the benefit of

the people, and that monopoly thereof should not be tolerated." It was

recommended that the States should establish conservation commissions to

co-operate with one another and with a similar national commission.

On June 8, 1908, the first national conservation commission was created

by President Roosevelt. Its forty-nine members were men well known in

politics, in the industries, and scientific work. Gifford Pinchot was

chairman of this commission which submitted its first report at a

conference in Washington, December 8-10, 1908. The delegates consisted

of governors and other representatives from the States and from national

organizations. This report was received with favor and it was

recommended that the work of the commission should be continued.

Congress declined to make the necessary appropriation of $25,000 for

this purpose, although it was strongly endorsed by the President.

In 1901 the National Conservation Association was formed, a voluntary

organization of public and scientific men. The purpose of this

association is to carry on the movement for conservation in every State.

Within seven months after the White House conference, forty-one State

conservation commissions were created and fifty-one conservation

commissions representing national organizations were formed.

President Roosevelt carried the movement still farther in calling the

first North American conservation congress. Representatives to this

conference met in Washington, February 18, 1909. They came from Canada,

Newfoundland, and Mexico as well as the United States. Broad general

principles of conservation applicable to the North American continent

were adopted.

Gifford Pinchot, President

of the Conservation Commission.

The movement was materially strengthened also through the withdrawal of

large areas of the public domain from private entry. Thus 148,000,000

acres of forests and 80,000,000 acres of coal land were withdrawn during

President Roosevelt's administrations.

Directly connected with the problems of conservation are those of

irrigation. The so-called arid regions constitute two-fifths of the

area of the United States, or some 1,200,000 square miles. Of this vast

region, it has been estimated that about one-tenth can be irrigated to

advantage. By the end of the year 1908, some 13,000,000 acres had been

reclaimed, or nearly one-third of the total amount suitable for

irrigation purposes. This has brought about the rapid growth of cities

and a substantial industrial advance in the former arid regions of the

far West. The most notable impulse to this movement was made in 1902

when Congress passed a law, the Reclamation act, providing that the

proceeds from the sales of public lands in thirteen States and three

Territories should be expended by the National Government in the

construction of irrigation works.

The total receipts from the sales of these lands amounted to $28,000,000

by the end of the year 1905, and twenty-three projects, dams,

reservoirs, or canals were in different stages of construction. The most

important of these undertakings were the Roosevelt Dam, the Shoshone

Dam, and the Truckee-Carson Canal.

Built by the U. S. Reclamation Service.

Roosevelt Dam from the road.

The Roosevelt Dam is the chief work of construction in what is called

the Salt River project. By the completion of this work at least 200,000

acres in the vicinity of Phoenix, Arizona, were reclaimed. This dam is

284 feet high, 1,080 feet long on the crest, and 165 feet thick at the

base. The resulting reservoir with a storage area of 16,320 acres will

be the largest artificially formed lake in the world.  It forms a body

of water 25 miles long, almost 2 miles broad, and with a maximum depth

of 220 feet. The main canals are 119 miles in length and the lateral

canals 208 miles. Not only will this structure insure a supply of water

in the Salt River valley where, in recent years, orchards and other

products have perished, but it will prevent the floods which have

devastated that region from time to time. Water-power amounting to

25,000 horse-power has been developed by the construction. This power

is used in part for pumping, and another area, estimated at 40,000

acres, outside the territory covered by the canals has been reclaimed.

The power is also used for lighting, for manufacturing, and for mining.

It was seen that the Shoshone River, in northwestern Wyoming, during the

season of melting snows, carried away more waste water than would be

adequate to reclaim many thousands of acres in the arid regions of the

lower altitudes. Two million two hundred and fifty thousand dollars were

allotted for the construction of the Shoshone Dam which will form a

reservoir of water sufficient to irrigate 75,000 acres of land 50 miles

farther down the river.

Shoshone Dam, Wyoming.

Highest dam in the world.  Height 328.4 feet.

The Truckee-Carson project provides for the irrigation of 150,000 acres

in western Nevada. The water of the Truckee River, which flows out of

Lake Tahoe, is distributed by canals having an aggregate length of 670

miles. The main canal was opened in 1905.

By the close of the year 1906, over $39,000,000 had been allotted for

works under actual construction, and this amount had increased to

$119,500,000 within four years. It has been estimated that the land thus

reclaimed will alone be worth $240,000,000. The additional cost of a

project is assessed against the land. When the land is sold, the money

received is used for the development of new irrigation areas.

Another significant plan outlined by the irrigation congress in its

meeting, 1911, provided for bringing about the complete reclamation of

all swamp and overflowed land. The swampland area of the United States

exceeds 74,500,000 acres, or an amount greater than the area of the

Philippine Islands by 1,000,000 acres.

The Mississippi basin has been called the heart and soul of the

prosperity of the United States. Two-fifths of the area of the country,

comprising one-half the population, is tributary to the Mississippi

system, which has over 20,000 miles of navigable waters. This valley

produces three-fourths of our foreign exports. The network of railroads

covering this territory has for a number of years furnished altogether

inadequate transportation facilities, and conditions have grown steadily

worse. Traffic experts throughout the United States have been advising

river improvement as a means of relieving the congestion of freight.

This situation has led to a revival of interest in the deep waterway

from the Lakes to the Gulf which has been talked and written about for

nearly three-quarters of a century.

Photograph by Clinedinst.

Shoshone Project. Wyoming Park wagon road,

showing wonderful tunnelling work on the new

wagon road from Cody, Wyo., to the

National Park via the Shoshone Dam.

[1907]

Truckee-Carson reclamation project.

Diversion dam and gates at heading of main canal.

Concerted action was not taken until 1907, when the Lakes to the Gulf

Deep Waterways Association was formed at St. Louis, having for its

object the deepening of the water-way between Lake Michigan and the

Gulf. The proposal to construct a canal by the way of the Illinois River

to the Mississippi, large enough to carry ships, was declared feasible

by government engineers and a route was surveyed. President Roosevelt

endorsed the scheme. In his message to Congress, December 3, 1907, he

said: "From the Great Lakes to the mouth of the Mississippi there should

be a deep water-way, with deep water-ways leading from it to the East

and the West. Such a water-way would practically mean the extension of

our coast line into the very heart of our country. It would be of

incalculable benefit to our people. If begun at once it can be carried

through in time appreciably to relieve the congestion of our great

freight-carrying lines of railroad. The work should be systematically

and continuously carried forward in accordance with some well-conceived

plan . . . . Moreover, the development of our water-ways involves many

other important water problems, all of which should be considered as

part of the same general scheme."

He appointed an Inland Waterways Commission which was to outline a

comprehensive scheme of development along the various lines indicated.

Their leading recommendation had to do with the proposal for a deep

water-way from Chicago to New Orleans. The completion of the drainage

canal by the city of Chicago, at a cost of $55,000,000, really created a

deep waterway for forty miles along the intended route. It was reported

to Congress by a special board of surveyors that the continuation of

such a water-way to St. Louis would cost $31,000,000.

Inland Waterways Commission.

The legislature of Illinois, following the recommendation of Governor

Charles S. Deneen, submitted to the people an amendment of the

constitution which would enable the State to assume a bonded

indebtedness of $20,000,000 for the purpose of constructing a deep

waterway from Chicago to St. Louis. The measure was approved by popular

vote November 3, 1907. Thereupon, the State Senate passed a bill

providing for the construction of the canal. This failed in the House.

It was again introduced into the legislature, 1910, but failed to pass.

Among the other important projects submitted by the Inland Waterways

Commission are the following: To connect the Great Lakes with the ocean

by a twenty-foot channel by the way of the Erie Canal and the Hudson

River, an inner channel extending from New England to Florida; to

connect the Columbia River with Puget Sound and deepen the Sacramento

and the San Joaquin Rivers, so as to bring commerce by water to

Sacramento and other interior California cities.

With the hope that New York City might again come into a mastery of the

trade with the West, as at the time when the Erie Canal was first

completed and because of the inability of the railroads to meet the

demands of traffic, the legislature of New York, in 1903, appropriated

$100,000,000 for the enlargement of that waterway and the two branch

canals, the Oswego and Champlain. The proposed uniform depth is twelve

feet and it is otherwise to be large enough for boats of a thousand ton

cargo or four times the capacity of boats now on the canal.

CHAPTER VIII

DEVELOPMENT OF THE NEW SOUTH

[1904]

The term New South signifies the transition which has taken place

through energy applied to the opportunities which that section of the

United States offers. The South has natural gifts which in themselves

will make it a marvel of wealth. The coast line measures 3,000 miles and

already the ports of New Orleans and Galveston are among the most

important on our seaboard. In 1898 the imports along the Gulf amounted

to $13,000,000, and in 1908 they amounted to $59,350,000. In 1898 the

exports were valued at $202,000,000; in 1908 they were valued at nearly

$400,000,000. The completion of the Panama Canal will certainly increase

the importance of the Southern seaboard cities.

Copyright, 1900, by Detroit Photographic Co,

The port of New Orleans.

There are in the United States navigable streams amounting to 26,410

miles and of these the South has 18,215 miles. Mr. Wilson, Secretary of

Agriculture, has estimated that the waterpower facilities of the South

equal 5,000,000 horse-power for the six high-water months--five times

the amount New England has. By a system of reservoirs this supply could

be doubled. Roughly speaking, the country can be divided into three

water-power districts: (1) the wholly undeveloped district which lies

about Birmingham, Alabama, the centre of the great iron and coal

district of the South; (2) a well-exploited district along the

Chattahoochee, extending from Atlanta to Columbus, Georgia; (3) a

district which lies in the favored agricultural region of northern South

Carolina and southern North Carolina. Here about one-third of the easily

available power has been developed. To-day New England, poor in raw

materials and having an area of only 66,000 square miles, manufactures

as much as does the whole South which is rich in raw materials and has

an area of 1,000,000 square miles. It is hardly necessary to make

forecasts--possibly it is wiser to ask what can possibly hinder the

development of this favored section.

James Wilson, Secretary of Agriculture.

In minerals and forests the South is equally rich. The coal supply,

according to the report of the National Conservation Commission, amounts

to 611,748,000,000 tons and the riches in iron in the southern

Appalachian district are equally enormous. Forty-one per cent of the

remaining forest area is in the same country. Unless a system of

conservation is put into operation, however, these vast timber resources

will pass away, for the forests are being used at a rate of more than

three and one-half times the annual growth. Private interests own

125,000,000 acres in the South and practically none of the timber is

being handled with the idea of conservation. There are no "State

forests"; neither are there adequate laws for the prevention of forest

fires.

The economic advancement of the South during the past thirty years has

been wonderful. The tide of migration within our country no longer moves

Westward as much as Southward and in its wake has followed a flood of

capital. The increase of population and capital is necessary to the

industrial growth of the South, and in spite of the recent influx the

scarcity of laborers remains a serious problem, the solution of which is

absolutely necessary for the development of the manufacturing industries

as well as agriculture. Immigrants of good standing are constantly

sought by the States, and to cope with the problem some individuals have

been guilty of operating a system of peonage. Lack of efficiency in the

laborers makes the problem still more perplexing. Scientific

investigations conducted with the aim of discovering the causes for this

general inefficiency have led to the conclusion that the eradication of

the mosquito and hook-worm will add greatly to the ability of the

wage-earners. A systematic campaign in this direction has been made

possible through the recent gift of Mr. Rockefeller.

A field of cotton.

The South has always been largely an agricultural section, with the

production of cotton as the leading interest. In 1909 the yield was

about 13,500,000 bales from about 32,000,000 acres. In value the crop

equals about twice the annual output of all the gold mines in the world.

The 8,000,000 bales which are exported annually represent an income to

the United States of about $400,000,000. The problem which has called

for the most attention is that the average output per acre has been

decreasing for years. During the past few years the white farmers have

taken active steps to remedy this weakness. Agricultural experiment

stations have conducted investigations and the agricultural press has

interpreted these results to the actual farmers and has conducted a

systematic agitation for an agricultural revolution. Associations have

been formed for the purpose of studying conditions and introducing

improved methods in preparing the soil and rotating crops. More of the

food supply of the South is to be raised at home; better homes and farm

buildings are being erected, and better machinery is being used. The

invention of a mechanical cotton picker, which has been accomplished,

should reduce materially the cost of handling the crop.

Bales of cotton ready for shipment.

Cotton-press yard, New Orleans.

Closely connected with this is the problem of roads. Where railroads are

scarce good wagon roads are all the more necessary. In the South

(excluding Kentucky, Arkansas, and Oklahoma) there are 500,000 miles of

public roads serving a population of over 20,000,000 people. In 1908

there were only 17,700 miles of improved road. To help along this work

good roads associations have been formed in the various States.

The old methods of financing the plantation system are passing. The

planters are breaking away from the credit system which has kept them as

borrowers and debtors and, as a result, they have money for investments

elsewhere. The great problems connected with cotton culture are the

labor supply and proper conservation of the soil. These solved, the

friends of the South confidently believe that thirty times as much

cotton could be produced as is produced at present. When one learns that

only 145,200,000 acres out of 612,000,000 are now under cultivation, the

claim does not seem extravagant.

Loading cotton on the levee, New Orleans.

Southern farmers have learned that other products besides cotton pay

well. Less than twenty years ago practically no hay was raised for sale

in the Gulf States. The red clover and timothy which the planter thought

could only be raised in the North are now cultivated in the South. Iowa,

the greatest hay-growing State in the Union, has for the past ten years

averaged 1.58 tons per acre at an average value of $5.45 per ton.

Mississippi during the same time has averaged 1.62 tons to the acre

valued at over $10 a ton. Alfalfa has been found to be excellent feed

for stock and the yield, which averages from four to eight tons per

acre, sells for from $10 to $18 a ton. Corn is being cultivated now and

it is not uncommon to find yields of  100 bushels to the acre and under

the most favorable circumstances even twice that much has been raised on

a single acre. The prevailing high prices make the corn crop

particularly valuable.

Stock-raising, which has never been indulged in to any extent, now gives

excellent returns. The mules which are used so extensively in the South

are being raised at home instead of being brought from the North. Beef

animals and hogs are increasing in numbers and are being bred more

carefully. The great variety of food crops which ripen in rotation make

the cost of hog-raising very little--possibly two cents a pound will

cover the cost of raising, butchering, and packing. Sheep flourish in

the pine regions where they are remarkably free from diseases. They

range all the year, needing little attention.

The Price-Campbell cotton-picking machine,

which does the work of fifty persons.

This shift in agricultural pursuits has been due in a measure to the

appearance of the boll-weevil which wrought havoc with the cotton crop

for some years. It is possible that the change has been decidedly

beneficial when one notes that the value of products in 1899 was

$705,000,000 and in 1909 about $1,430,000,000.

Agriculture is not the only interest of the New South. Northern capital

has worked wonders along industrial lines. Some communities have changed

entirely from agriculture to manufacturing. South Carolina is now second

among the States in the manufacture of cotton; North Carolina is third,

and Georgia is not far behind. In Alabama Southern tobacco is

manufactured. The steel and iron industries, the furniture industry, the

cottonseed-oil industry, and others are constantly becoming more

important. The effects of this industrial revolution are far reaching.

Social lines are shifting; a new society based upon business success and

wealth seems to be supplanting or at least breaking in upon the

aristocracy of the ante-bellum South, based upon family and public

service. The ideal of success is changing and the ambitious young man

now goes into business, manufacturing, or engineering as often as into

the profession of law and politics. The laboring class has changed also.

Years ago this class lived on farms and raised raw materials: now it

lives in the cities and fashions raw materials. The same social results

are found here as elsewhere, but on account of the conservatism and

personal independence of the Southern laborer, who is only a generation

removed from the soil, these results are not in evidence so soon. In the

manufacturing districts there is the political unrest characteristic of

the North. Labor unions develop here and Socialism has some adherents.

This tends to break the political solidarity of the section and it is

possible that in the not distant future the "Solid South" may pass away.

The South is enthusiastic; it is alert to its opportunities and it is

planning with hope for the future. Through practical education wonders

may be worked, and upon this practical education for the rising

generation the South bases its hopes. The new generation will make

greater strides in the utilization of the great natural gifts than the

old one has. The race problem will be solved in time, and the solution

must come through the efforts of the Southern people, for the best

classes now believe that the South can prosper best when all the people,

colored as well as white, are brought to the highest standard of their

efficiency.

CHAPTER IX

PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S SECOND TERM

[1905-1907]

On June 1, 1905, an exposition was opened at Portland, Oregon, in

commemoration of the Lewis and Clark expedition (1804-1805). Four

hundred acres of ground adjoining the principal residence district,

overlooking the Willamette River, were set aside for this purpose. There

were extensive exhibits by the United States, Great Britain, Canada,

Holland, Italy, China, and other European and Asiatic countries. The

fair was, in general, the expression of the life and history of the

Pacific Northwest and the direct relationship between that region and

the Orient. Many national congresses were held in conjunction with it,

such as the American Medical Association, National Good Roads

Association, and the National Conference of Charities and Correction.

The different interstate commerce acts, beginning with that of 1887 and

including the railroad rate bill of 1906, constitute a system of control

established by the Federal Government over persons and corporations

engaged in interstate or foreign commerce; this includes the carrying of

persons and property by either rail or water. Pipe lines, telephone,

telegraph, express, and sleeping-car companies are also brought under

the same provisions. The administration of these laws was vested in the

Interstate Commerce Commission consisting of seven members.

The Lewis and Clark Exposition, Portland, Ore.

General view across the Lagoon.

The Lewis and Clark Exposition, Portland, Ore.

The Government Buildings across the Lagoon.

The important provisions of these laws may be summarized as follows:

1. All charges must be just and reasonable. The commission was given

power to fix maximum rates after investigation of a complaint by either

party to a dispute over rates.

2. Pooling agreements were prohibited.

3. It was made unlawful to make discriminations by giving to any

particular person, corporation, or locality an unreasonable advantage

over others. Granting of passes was prohibited to other than railroad

employees, and granting of rebates was forbidden.

4. By the "long or short haul" clause it was made unlawful for a common

carrier to charge more for the transportation of passengers, or the same

kind of freight, over a shorter than a longer distance; provided the

transportation was under substantially similar circumstances and

conditions over the same line and in the same direction.

5. All rates were required to be published and posted where they might

be consulted by any person.

6. Railroad companies were forbidden to engage in other lines of business.

7. Companies engaged in interstate commerce must have a uniform system of

accounting.

8. They are required to make reports to the Interstate Commerce

Commission regularly.

This commission was also empowered to receive complaints, hear

testimony, make orders correcting abuses, or investigate conditions

without previous complaint. It was given the power to suspend the

proposed increase of rates until their justice had been determined. Any

person objecting to an order of the commission was empowered to appeal

to the "Commerce Court," which was created, being made up of five

circuit court Justices.

Copyright by Clinedinst, Washington.

Dr. Harvey W. Wiley, many years

Chief of the U. S. Bureau of Chemistry.

Nearly all of the States have passed laws relating to the purity of

goods sold to the public. Investigation showed, however, that twenty per

cent of the articles of food in common use were adulterated. This led to

the passing of a far-reaching measure by Congress, 1906, known as the

Pure Food and Drugs law. It provides against the manufacture and sale of

adulterated or misbranded foods, drugs, medicines, or liquors in the

District of Columbia, the Territories, and the insular possessions of

the United States, and prohibits the shipment of such goods from one

State to another or to a foreign country. To the Department of

Agriculture was given the power to enforce the law. Thus the public is

protected against adulterated foods and medicines and dishonest and

misleading labels, and honest manufacturers are protected against

fraudulent competition.

For a number of years some of the European countries condemned American

packing-house products. Abuses in the processes of preparing preserved

meats were brought vividly before Americans by Upton Sinclair in his

novel "The Jungle." The Department of Agriculture took up the problem

and a special investigation was ordered by President Roosevelt. The

report showed the need for more rigid inspection, and the agitation

throughout the country forced the House of Representatives, 1906,

somewhat reluctantly, to adopt the President's recommendation for a

thorough inspection, by government agents, of all processes and methods

used in the meat packing-houses.

U. S. Government inspection of a packing-house.

Inspector's assistant attaching a "Retained" tag to carcass marked by

inspector on the heading bench. Carcasses so marked are left intact

until they reach the retaining-room.

Earthquake at San Francisco, April 18, 1906.

Upheaval of sidewalk at Eighteenth and Capp Streets.

Early in the morning of April 18, 1906, San Francisco was visited by one

of the most dreadful disasters of modern times. An earthquake shock

destroyed many of the important buildings in the business part of the

city. Other cities and towns along the coast and in the Santa Clara

Valley suffered greatly and a number of the buildings of Leland Stanford

University, thirty miles south of San Francisco, were demolished. Ninety

per cent of the loss in San Francisco was due to the conflagration which

raged for two days. Fires broke out owing to the crossing of electric

wires. The water-mains were old and poorly laid and the force of the

earthquake had burst them. Firemen and soldiers fought the advance of

the flames by destroying buildings with dynamite. Not until an area

three miles in length and two miles in breadth, including all the

business and the thickly settled residential sections, had been burned

over was the advance of the flames stopped. The estimated loss of life

was 1,000, and property valued at $300,000,000 was destroyed. Among the

irreparable losses were several libraries, the collections of the

California Academy of Sciences, and many works of art. The noted

Bancroft Library with its collection of manuscripts was saved.

Burning of San Francisco following the earthquake.

Showing destruction of buildings after the

earthquake and fire in San Francisco.

A quarter of a million people were rendered homeless and were without

food and the means of earning a livelihood. The sympathy of the world

was aroused and offers of relief came from all quarters. Two million

five hundred thousand dollars was voted by Congress, and the total

relief fund amounted to $20,000,000. There was little suffering for lack

of food and water, owing to the co-operation of representatives of the

Red Cross Association, a citizens' committee, and the United States army

in distributing supplies.

Refugees in Golden Gate Park, San Francisco.

One hundred thousand persons were sheltered in tents in Golden Gate

Park. The courage and hopefulness of the people did not desert them, and

the rebuilding of the city was immediately begun. At the end of a year

one-half of the burned area had been rebuilt. The old frame and low

brick structures were replaced by modern buildings of steel and

re-enforced concrete, for this type had survived the earthquake shock.

After two years, a new San Francisco, more beautiful and more

substantial, had risen on the site of the old.

Copyright by Underwood & Underwood, N.Y.

The Jamestown Exposition--Manufactures and

Liberal Arts Building from the Auditorium.

On April 26, 1907, the Jamestown Exposition was opened. It was in

commemoration of the first English settlement in America. The southern

shore of Hampton Roads, forty miles southeast of old Jamestown, was

selected as the site for the buildings. The historic idea was uppermost

in the exposition.  The colonial type of construction was dominant and

good taste and moderation were notable in the arrangement of the grounds

and exhibits. Industrial and commercial progress were emphasized. The

United States had a special exhibit to illustrate the work of the

different departments. In the harbor, one of the finest in the world,

was the greatest international naval display ever witnessed. Every

variety of war-vessel in existence was on exhibition besides commercial

and passenger boats from the great ports of the world.

CHAPTER X

THE FINANCIAL PANIC OF 1907

[1907]

Popular opinion ascribed three reasons for the panic of 1907. The first

of these was the attitude of the President toward certain great

corporations. It is true that his attacks bared some of the most deeply

rooted evils which have always been at the bottom of our

panics--dishonesty in the administration of great aggregations of

capital. Great were the lamentations and doleful the predictions of what

would happen should the President not change his policy of enforcing the

laws. The railway opponents of the President were sure the panic came

from the Hepburn Bill, which was passed early in 1906. If this had been

dangerous to the welfare of the railroads it is reasonable to assume

that foreign capital would have been withdrawn from American railways

and that American capitalists interested in railroads would have

attempted to avert financial ruin by disposing of their holdings.

Neither situation developed, for the European investors increased their

holdings and American capitalists continued to plan still greater

investments in railways.

The second general explanation was found in the unsound and reckless

banking in New York City. The dangers arising from trust companies had

been known for several years. It came to be believed that the deposits

in these trust companies were being misused by the bank officers for the

promotion of various speculating schemes. The disclosures which came

with the investigation of the insurance companies fixed these beliefs

more firmly in the minds of the people, and the first break in

confidence precipitated runs on the New York banks.

The third explanation was that the panic was due to the defects in our

American currency system.

These were the popular explanations, but there were deep-seated causes

which had worked to bring about the existing conditions. The crisis was

world-wide and was felt most in the countries where there was a gold

standard. In 1890 the world's supply of gold available for monetary use

was hardly $4,000,000,000; in 1907 it was more than $7,000,000,000.

Along with this went a rapid rise in the average price of commodities in

gold-standard countries. Bank deposits in the United States in 1907 were

three times as great as they were in 1897. Amidst all this prosperity

there were forces which were bound to bring a reaction and among the

most important of these was the demand for capital for conversion into

fixed forms. Ready capital was also lessened relatively by the great

losses experienced as a result of the Spanish-American War, the Boer

War, the Japanese-Russian War, the San Francisco earthquake, and the

Baltimore fire. These losses, which amounted to $3,000,000,000, came at

a time when the world was just entering upon a period of great

industrial activity and needed all its capital. Much capital was

absorbed in the construction of railroads, industrial plants,

development of foreign industries, etc. These conditions brought about a

tightening of money rates in Europe and American financial centres;

consequently rates of interest went up. Commercial paper which brought

three to three and one-half per cent in New York in 1897 brought seven

per cent in 1907.

The panic of 1907. Run on the Knickerbocker Trust Company,

34th Street and Fifth Avenue.

Closely allied to this movement was the increase in the number of

securities issued by industrial concerns. A few resourceful men, in

order to do away with the evils of unrestricted competition, devised a

remedy in the form of mergers. Others of less capacity but greater

daring saw opportunities for money-making, and a craze for mergers and

for the incorporation of private enterprises swept over the country. By

1907 there were at least $38,500,000,000 worth of securities in

existence. The natural result was speculation. When investors began to

fear the soundness of the securities a collapse of credit was due.

The rapid development of trust companies had its effect. The cash

reserves held by these companies were small; their investments were not

always conservative and the depositors were often suspicious. This free

expansion of business with little or no reference to cash reserve or

capital gave rise to another cause for the panic, which was not a matter

of money. It was a matter of what was in men's minds. There was a period

of "muckraking" in which leaders financial and political were severely

critcised. Whether or not this criticism was justified by the exposition

of the frauds of the insurance companies and the questionable dealings

of some other corporations need not be discussed. The criticism created

an attitude of mind throughout the nation, and the first weakening of a

bank brought on the deluge.

The panic of 1907. Uptown branch of the

Knickerbocker Trust Company, 125th Street.

To the ordinary observer the panic of 1907 will date from October 22,

when the Knickerbocker Trust Company of New York closed its doors.

Earlier in the month the Mercantile National Bank had gotten into

difficulties and had appealed to the clearing-house committee for aid,

which was given. Soon it was noted that the Knickerbocker Trust Company

was in a precarious condition, and the directors, following the example

of the other bank, appealed to the same committee.  The investigation of

the committee showed the company insolvent and aid was refused. When the

facts became known, a run on the bank began and it was compelled to

close its doors. The lack of confidence in other financial institutions

was soon shown by similar runs.

No bank could stand the strain unaided. Now the Federal Government

stepped in and Secretary of the Treasury Cortelyou came in person to New

York and deposited $40,000,000 of the surplus from the United States

Treasury to be used for the aid of beleaguered institutions. For more

than a week the crowds of depositors sought their money. The lines were

not broken at night until the police hit upon the plan of giving to each

individual a ticket denoting his place in the line. The Trust Company of

America alone paid $34,000,000 across its counters and still crowds

thronged the streets. At length the enormous reserve of the Treasury was

exhausted and it became necessary to delay and deliberately to make slow

payments. Through loans made by other banks the Trust Company of America

and the Lincoln Trust Company, which had endured the hardest sieges,

were saved and now the panic entered its second stage.

The panic of 1907. Run on the Colonial Trust Company.

Line of depositors in Ann Street waiting their turn.

The country was thoroughly aroused, and to avoid a nation-wide raid upon

banking houses the bankers took radical steps. The first measure

resorted to was the enforcement of the rule requiring savings-bank

depositors, at the option of the institution, to give sixty days' notice

before withdrawing deposits. The second expedient was one which had been

resorted to during former years of financial unsteadiness. "Emergency

currency" was issued. This currency took various forms. (1) The

clearing-house loan certificates issued in denominations ranging from

$500 to $20,000, used for settling inter-bank balances; (2)

clearing-house certificates in currency dimensions to be used by banks

in paying their customers; (3) clearing-house checks which took the form

of checks drawn upon particular banks and signed by the manager of the

clearing-house; (4) cashier's checks (in opposition to the National Bank

act) secured by approved collateral; (5) New York drafts which were

cashier's checks drawn against actual balances in New York banks; (6)

negotiable certificates of deposit, and (7) pay checks payable to bearer

drawn by bank customers upon their banks in currency denominations.

These were guaranteed by the firm which issued them.

Other devices were used to aid the banks and to block the spread of the

panic by limiting cash payments by the banks. The governors of Nevada,

Oregon, and California declared legal holidays continuously for several

weeks, thereby allowing the banks to remain closed. In some places the

size of withdrawals was limited to $10 or $25 daily.

The panic was felt to a great degree on the New York Stock Exchange

because the banks refused to make loans, but this stringency was

relieved by a bankers' pool, headed by J. P. Morgan, which loaned

$25,000,000 at the prevailing rate of interest. With the strengthening

of the Stock Exchange another stage of the panic passed.

The panic of 1907. Run on the Lincoln

Trust Company, Fifth Avenue entrance.

In spite of the use of the surplus of the Treasury the banks showed a

loss of $50,000,000 in actual cash during the five weeks of the panic.

Now demands were made on foreign countries for gold. The Bank of England

made no move to block the great withdrawals of gold except to raise the

official discount to seven per cent. The flow of gold did much to stay

the ebb of confidence.

Some contended for an issue of paper money and after a long discussion

by the officials of the Treasury, it was decided to sell $50,000,000

worth of Panama two per cent bonds and $100,000,000 worth of three per

cent notes in the hope of calling from its hiding-place the money which

was being hoarded. The result of the venture was not satisfactory and

the loan operations soon ceased.

Gradually financial affairs righted themselves. The emergency currency

was redeemed, the runs on banks ceased, confidence slowly returned, and

business picked up, although by the middle of 1908 the volume was

scarcely half of what it had been a year before. The number of bank

failures had been comparatively small. Only twenty-one banks were

obliged to suspend payment, while in 1893 the number was 160.

The panic of 1907. Wall Street, in front of the Sub-Treasury Building,

when the run on the Trust Company of America was at its height.

Naturally there was much discussion concerning the defects of our

financial system, of the needs of elastic currency, of a central bank,

etc., when the Sixtieth Congress met in December, 1907. Several bills

were offered for the establishment of a central bank; some for the issue

of a special currency by the government; others for the legalization of

certificates and currency created by clearing-house associations. The

aversion of the people to the centralization of the banking business in

the hands of a few of the great money powers made the establishment of a

central bank out of the question.

The bills which were discussed at any length were the Fowler Bill, the

Vreeland Bill, and the Aldrich Bill. The first was discarded, although

it had merits, and the two branches of Congress were unable to agree

upon either of the others. The result was a compromise measure which

became the Aldrich-Vreeland Act.

The important provisions of this act are as follows: (1) Ten or more

national banking associations, each with an unimpaired capital and

surplus of not less than twenty per cent and an aggregate capital and

surplus of not less than $5,000,000, may form national currency

associations. These associations are to have power to render available,

for the basis of additional circulation, "any securities, including

commercial paper, held by a national banking association."

(2) To obtain this additional circulation, any bank belonging to a

national currency association having circulating notes outstanding

secured by United States bonds to an amount not less than forty per cent

of its capital stock, and having the required unimpaired capital and

surplus, may deposit approved securities with the currency association

and be empowered by the Secretary of the Treasury to issue additional

circulating notes to an amount not to exceed seventy-five per cent of

the cash value of the securities. If the securities are State or

municipal bonds the issue must not exceed ninety per cent of the market

value of the bonds.

(3) The banks and assets of all banks belonging to the currency

association are liable to the United States for the redemption of this

additional currency, and the association may at any time require that

additional securities be deposited. All banks are held liable to make

good the securities of any bank in the association.

The panic of 1907, Run on the State Bank,

Grand Street, New York.

(4) The total amount of circulating notes outstanding for any bank shall

not at any time exceed the amount of its unimpaired capital and surplus,

neither shall the amount of such notes in the United States exceed

$500,000,000 at any time. The amount issued in each State shall bear the

same relation to the total amount issued in the United States as the

unimpaired capital and surplus of the banks of that State bear to the

unimpaired capital and surplus of the banks of the United States.

(5) The tax on circulating notes secured by United States bonds bearing

two per cent or less shall be one-half of one per cent; if secured by

United States bonds bearing more than two per cent, the tax shall be one

per cent. If the securities are other than United States bonds, the tax

shall be at a rate of five per cent per annum for the first month and

afterward an additional tax of one per cent per annum for each month

until a tax of ten per cent per annum is reached.

(6) The redemption of the notes may take place by the banks depositing

with the Treasurer of the United States lawful money to replace the

securities deposited.

(7) The formation of a national monetary commission to inquire into and

report to Congress necessary or desirable changes in the banking and

currency laws was provided for.

CHAPTER XI

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION

[1907]

Since the organization of our government nearly 29,000,000 foreigners

have come to the United States. The flow of immigration first assumed

large proportions during the decade 1831-1840 and since that time one

wave after another has reached our shores. The last one, and the one

which has caused the greatest alarm, gathered force about 1897 and

reached its full tide in the first decade of the twentieth century, when

over 8,000,000 aliens landed at our ports.

During this period (1820-1910) the character of immigration has changed.

Prior to 1880 the greater part of it came from northern Europe, but

since that time the number has constantly fallen off, and the flow from

southern Europe has greatly increased. During the decade 1871-1880

Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Russia sent only 181,000 of 2,262,000 aliens

who landed in the United States--about eight per cent. During the decade

1901-1910, 8,130,000 immigrants came to our shores, and of these

5,800,000, or over 70 per cent, were from these three countries. In 1901

Austria-Hungary sent, 113,400; in 1907 about 338,500, but owing to the

passage of the immigration law in 1907 the number fell abruptly, but by

1910 had again increased to 260,000. The same is true of Italy. In 1901

about 136,000 came; in 1907 nearly 286,000, and in 1910 about 215,500.

Russia sent 85,000 in 1901, some 260,000 in 1907, and 187,000 in 1910.

The numbers from northern Europe do not approach these. The immigration

from the British Isles does not reach the 100,000 mark; from Germany

only 30,000 come yearly.

Causes for this influx are varied. Many come desirous of owning homes, a

pleasure out of reach in their home country on account of high prices.

Free institutions attract others. A land which offers free schools to

all regardless of race or creed, religious freedom, and the opportunity

to play some part in the political life of the state is naturally

attractive. Some come to escape military service, others with the idea

of making money and returning to their native land. Density of

population and the accompanying excessive competition in the struggle

for existence also play a part.

Hundreds of letters telling of the general prosperity in America and

contrasting this with the condition at home, do their work with the

disheartened peasants. It is said that half of our immigrants come on

tickets paid for by friends in America. The large employers of labor,

and even the States themselves, are constantly calling for laborers.

Ours is a huge, half-developed country, and the development of our

resources, particularly the coal and iron industries, the cotton; rice,

cane, and tobacco industries, and the railways demands thousands of

helpers.

Emigrants bound for America.

The steamship companies which have found an extremely profitable

business in the transportation of immigrants have used various means to

increase the numbers. Agents are said to be in all European countries

soliciting trade. Associations for the assistance of poor emigrants have

been formed in various European cities--this is especially true among

the Jews who, by means of societies such as the "Hebrew Shelter" of

London, have aided thousands of Roumanian and Russian Jews on their way

to America.

Entrance to Emigrant Station or "model town" in Hamburg.

Built for emigrants waiting to sail.

Although most of the European countries have placed restrictions upon

emigration, these restrictions unfortunately do not retard the

emigration of the undesirable classes. As a result America was called

upon early to legislate on this problem. The first act was in 1819 and

was aimed to regulate the transportation of immigrants. The laws of

1875, 1882, 1891, 1893, and 1903 dealt with the class of immigrants to

be admitted. The acts did not accomplish the end for which they were

framed, and the question was taken up again by Congress which, after a

lengthy discussion, passed the act of 1907.  No great change in policy

was effected by this law which, for the most part, only revised the

wording of the old laws and modified the methods of regulation. The head

tax of two dollars, hitherto levied on each alien, was doubled but was

made inapplicable to immigrants from our insular possessions or to

aliens who had resided for a year either in the British possessions in

North America, or in Cuba or Mexico. All aliens suffering from

tuberculosis or loathsome diseases or those who were "mentally or

physically defective, such mental or physical defect being of a nature

which may affect the ability . . . to earn a living," were excluded.

Children under sixteen unaccompanied by a parent were excluded.

Steamship companies were placed under additional restrictions to insure

against their violation of the act. Should an immigrant within a period

of three years be found to have entered the country contrary to the

terms of the act, he was to be deported and the transportation company

responsible for his coming would be held liable for the expense of his

deportation.

The effect of the new law can be seen in the immigration statistics--the

number of immigrants for the year 1908 is but little more than half as

great as the number for 1907. The chief decrease was in the stream from

southern Europe. This decrease cannot be attributed entirely to the act

of 1907, but must be accounted for in part by the panic of 1907.

Observations extending over a long period of years have disclosed the

fact that the ebb and flow of the tide of immigration is closely

attached to the periods of economic prosperity and depression.

When the races of northern Europe contributed the greater part of our

immigrants there was a general feeling that this was a decided advantage

to us. The people were readily assimilated into our population and were

in general intelligent, industrious citizens who soon acquired a

patriotic love for America and its institutions.  The serious problems

came with the increased number of southern Europeans.

One of several churches built for emigrants of various

faiths in the station or "model town" of the

Hamburg-American Company, for use while waiting to sail.

For years Italians emigrated to South America, particularly to Brazil

and the Argentine Republic, where the climate, race customs, and

language were more to their liking than in the north. A diminution of

prosperity there has turned part of the tide northward. About eighty per

cent of our Italians come from southern Italy, a fact explained by the

difference between the industrial conditions in the northern and

southern parts of the peninsula. In the south agriculture is the only

industry, and it frequently suffers from climatic conditions, the

resulting losses bearing heavily upon the population. Conditions are

aggravated by an unequal division of taxes between the north and the

south. Often the only alternative to starvation is emigration. During

the past decade 2,000,000 Italians have come to us and, according to

estimates, about two-thirds of them have settled in the cities of the

Northern States, a condition detrimental to the foreign and our social

organization alike. These Italians, peasants and experts in fruit

culture by training, become day laborers, thus losing their greatest

productive power. The Italian who keeps away from the city finds his lot

more agreeable. Wherever they have settled as farmers they have been

uniformly successful. The person who knows only the Italian of the

tenements has little sympathy for him, in spite of the fact that many of

this race have proved themselves to be quiet, sober, and useful

citizens.

Exterior view of main building.

Restaurant. Immigrants dining-room and detention quarters.

Detained immigrants are fed here at the expense of the steamship companies.

Here all immigrants must present themselves upon arrival for their

first inspection under the law--sometimes as many as 5,000 a day.

U. S. IMMIGRANT STATION, ELLIS ISLAND, N. Y.

The Slavic immigration since 1880 has been mainly from the more

primitive districts out of touch with the civilization of western

Europe. These people have come, not as settlers, but as laborers in the

mines, factories, and foundries, planning to remain here for a time,

earn as much as possible, and return to their native land.

In 1899 statistics began to be compiled by means of which the race and

nationality of aliens might be determined. From 1899 to 1907 about

seventy-two per cent of the Slavic immigration came from

Austria-Hungary. Since 1900 at least 100,000 aliens from this country

have come to the United States each year; in 1905, 1906, and 1910 the

number exceeded 250,000 each year, and in 1907 it was 340,000. In this

crowd came Bohemians, Poles, Slovaks, Ruthenians, Slovenians, Croatians,

Bulgarians, Servians, Montenegrins, and other allied peoples. They are

distributed over various parts of the land. Pennsylvania, on account of

its mines, gathers by far the greatest number--in 1906 there were about

500,000 Slavs in the State; New York had nearly 200,000, and Illinois

about 134,000. The Bohemians and Poles seem inclined to farm, but in the

main the Slav laborers have busied themselves in the coal, coke, iron,

and steel industries. Very seldom do the Slavs take to petty street

traffic, as do the Jews and Italians, but prefer the harder and better

paid work in the mines and foundries.

The Russians make the smallest Slavic group in America. Although many

Russians are reported among the immigrants, only about five per cent are

native born Russians, the rest being Jews, Poles, Finns, and

Lithuanians.

About one-eighth of our European immigrants are Jews. By the law of 1769

the Jews in Russia are compelled to live within certain territorial

limits known as the Jewish Pale, and about ninety-four per cent comply

with the regulation. The law of 1882 has further restricted the places

of residence, for Jews are now prohibited from buying or renting lands

outside the limits of the cities or incorporated towns. Their

educational advantages are limited by law; few are admitted to the bar

and few to the other learned professions. To these disabilities the

Russian government has added the terror of persecution, which will

explain why 150,000 Jews come to America each year. In all there are

1,250,000 here.

"ALIEN PASSENGERS" AND IMMIGRANTS ENTERING THE UNITED STATES FROM

EUROPEAN COUNTRIES, 1820-1910

Last Permanent Residence

1820-30

1831-30

1841-50

1851-60

1861-70

1871-80

1881-90

1891-1900

1901-1910

Total

Austria-Hungary

7,800
72,969
353,717
597,047
2,145,266
3,176,801

Belgium
27
22
5,074
4,738
6,734
7,221
20,177
20,062
41,635
105,690

Denmark
169
1,063
539
3,749
17,094
31,771
88,132
52,670
65,285
260,472

France
8,497
45,575
77,262
76,358
35,984
72,206
50,464
36,006
73,379
475,731

Germany
6,761
152,454
434,626
951,667
787,468
718,182
1,452,970
543,922
341,498
5,389,548

Greece

15,996
167,519
183,515

Italy
408
2,253
1,870
9,231
11,728
55,759
307,309
655,694
2,045,877
3,090,129

Netherlands
1,078
1,412
8,251
10,789
9,102
16,541
53,701
31,816
48,262
180,952

Norway, Sweden
91
1,201
13,903
20,931
109,298
211,245
568,362
95,264
190,505
1,691,013

Sweden

230,679
249,534

Russia
91
646
656
1,621
4,536
52,254
265,088
593,703
1,597,306
2,515,901

Spain, Portugal
2,622
2,954
2,759
10,353
8,493
9,893
6,535
6,723
27,935
170,426

Portugal

23,010
69,149

Switzerland
3,226
4,821
4,644
25,011
23,286
28,293
81,988
33,149
34,922
239,340

England
22,167
73,143
263,332
385,643
568,128
460,479
657,488
271,094
388,017
3,089,491

Scotland
2,912
2,667
3,712
38,331
38,768
87,564
149,869
60,053
120,469
504,345

Ireland
50,724
207,381
780,719
914,119
435,778
436,871
655,482
403,496
339,065
4,223,635

Wales

11,186
17,464
28,650

Europe; unspecified
43
96
155
116
210
656
10,318
4,370
1,719

Total
98,816
495,688
1,597,502
2,452,657
2,064,407
2,261,904
4,721,602
3,703,061
8,136,016
25,531,653

Immigrants from British North America and other countries     2,535,810

Estimated number of immigrants prior to October 1, 1819         250,000

[Transcriber's note: Norway/Sweden and Spain/Portugal are combined totals in

columns where only one value is given.]

TOTAL NUMBER OF IMMIGRANTS, 1891 TO 1910

Sex
Age

Year Ending
June 30

Total
Number

Male

Female

Under 14

14 to 45

45 and Over

1891
560,319
354,059
296,200
95,879
405,843
58,597

1892
623,084
385,781
237,303
89,167
491,839
42,078

1893
502,917
315,845
187,072
57,392
419,701
25,824

1894
314,467
186,247
128,220
41,755
258,162
14,550

1895
279,948
159,924
120,024
33,289
233,543
13,116

1896
343,267
212,466
130,801
52,741
254,519
36,007

1897
230,832
135,107
95,725
38,627
165,181
27,024

1898
229,299
135,775
93,524
38,267
164,905
26,127

1899
311,715
195,277
116,438
43,983
248,187
19,545

1900
448,572
304,148
144,424
54,624
370,382
23,566

1901
487,918
331,055
156,863
62,562
396,516
28,840

1902
648,743
466,369
182,374
74,063
539,254
35,426

1903
857,046
613,146
243,900
102,431
714,053
40,562

1904
812,870
549,100
263,770
109,150
657,155
46,565

1905
1,026,499
724,914
301,585
114,668
855,419
56,412

1906
1,100,735
764,463
336,272
136,273
913,955
50,507

1907
1,285,349
927,976
355,373
138,344
1,100,771
46,234

1908
782,870
506,912
275,958
112,148
630,671
40,051

1909
751,786
519,969
231,817
88,393
624,876
38,517

1910
1,041.570
736,038
305,532
120,509
868,310
52,751

Year

Debarred from
Landing

Returned
Within
One Year

Returned
Within
Three Years
Able to Read
but not Wruite
[See note 1]

Unable to
read or Write
[See note 1]

1892
2,164
637

1893
1,053
577

59,582
61,038

1894
2,389
417

16,784
41,614

1895
2,394
189

2,612
42,302

1896
2,799
238

5,066
78,130

1897
1,617
263

1,572
43,008

1898
3,030
199

1,416
43,057

1899
3,798
263

1,022
60,446

1900
4,246
356

2,097
93,576

1901
3,516
363

3,058
117,587

1902
4,974
465

2,917
162,188

1903
8,769
547

3,341
185,667

1904
7,994
300
473
3,953
168,903

1905
11,879
98
747
8,209
230,882

1906
12,371
61
615
4,755
265,068

1907
13,064
70
925
5,829
337,573

1908
10,902
114
1,955
2,310
172,293

1909
10,411
58
2,066
2,431
191,049

1910
24,270
23
2,672
4,571
253,569

Note 1: Prior to 1895 the figures are for persons over 16 years; from

1895 to 1910 for persons 14 years of age and over.

The question of Oriental immigration has caused much comment in our

Pacific Coast States for several years. Before 1900 the total number of

Japanese coming to America seldom reached 1,500 a year. Since that time

about 12,000 have come each year, except in 1903 when 20,000 came and

1907 when the number reached 30,000. Seventy per cent of this number,

however, went to Hawaii. Over-population and economic depression in

their native land have caused this exodus. Most of these immigrants are

laborers--skilful, energetic and efficient--who apparently desire to

become citizens. Among the better classes are many who have attained

eminence in various lines of work in our country. In scientific

investigation the names of Takamine, Noguchi, Yatsu, Takami, Asakawa,

and Iyenaga are well known. The names of those who have been more than

ordinarily successful in business would make a long list. The most

serious objections to the Japanese arise in the coast States where these

immigrants have raised a serious labor problem. The people of these

commonwealths also fear a race problem which in gravity will rival the

one in the Southern States. It is claimed that even now, when the number

of Orientals is small, the enforcement of law is exceedingly difficult

in the Chinese quarters, while the control of the Japanese is next to

impossible since they do not congregate in certain sections of the

cities as do the Chinese. It is claimed that the 2,000,000 whites who

live on the Pacific Coast will be swamped and lose control of the

government if this Oriental immigration is not entirely prohibited. The

Chinese do not cause so much anxiety. Since the passage of the exclusion

act thirty years ago, few have come to the United States--scarcely more

than 2,000 a year. As laborers they are efficient, patient, and honest

in keeping labor contracts.

Gypsies excluded and deported as undesirable.

Ruthenian shepherds from Austria, bound out West for farmers.

Considered desirable and qualified to enter.

A German family of ten considered desirable and qualified to enter.

GROUPS OF IMMIGRANTS UPON THEIR ARRIVAL AT ELLIS ISLAND

These swarms of foreigners who come to us each year are causing

uneasiness in the minds of the thinking people. Can our foreign

population be growing more rapidly than our power to assimilate it? Is

this element as dangerous to our civilization as we think? Has

criminality increased as a result of increased immigration? Has this

element increased labor agitations during the past decade? Some contend

that we are rapidly approaching the limit of our power of assimilation

and that we are in constant danger of losing the traits which we call

American. The immigrants from southern Europe are in too many cases

deficient in education. This lack of education may or may not prove a

danger. So far it seems to have been the rule that in the second

generation these foreigners have shown themselves extremely anxious to

take advantage of the opportunities offered by our free schools.

One of the most serious charges made against the Americanized foreigner

has been that through him there has developed in our political system a

strain of corruption which endangers our institutions. Political

corruption did not come with the immigrants: it was known in all its

forms years ago. This much can be said, however: the worst class of

foreign-born citizens has ever proved to be a support of corrupt

political bosses. Our city governments have been notoriously corrupt and

the cities harbor the great masses of foreigners. The high cost of

living in the cities and the relatively low wages force the aliens into

poor and crowded quarters which tend to weaken them physically and

degrade them morally and socially. Among the Italians of the cities

there appears to be a vicious element composed of social parasites who

found gambling dens, organize schemes of black-mail, and are the agents

of the dreaded Black Hand. It is the class which furnishes aids for the

lowest political bosses and furnishes the bad reputation for the

Italians.

Group of Cossack immigrants considered desirable and qualified to enter.

An investigation of the nationalities in the city of Chicago has been

made by Professor Ripley, of Harvard. The results illustrate the

wonderful dimensions of the problem which the cities confront in the

assimilation of the foreign element. In the case of Chicago, were the

foreigners (those not American beyond the third generation) to be

eliminated, the population would dwindle from 2,000,000 to about 100,00.

In this city fourteen languages are spoken by groups of not less than

10,000 persons each. Newspapers are regularly published in ten different

languages and church services conducted in twenty different tongues.

Measured by the size of its foreign colonies, Chicago is the second

Bohemian city in the world, the third Swedish, the fourth Polish, and

the fifth German. There is one large factory employing over 4,000 people

representing twenty-four nationalities. Here the rules of the

establishment are printed in eight languages. So it is with the other

cities. New York, for example, has a larger Italian population than

Rome, and is the greatest Jewish city, for there are in the city some

800,000 Jews. In all eighty per cent of the population of New York are

foreigners or the children of foreigners. In Boston the per cent reaches

seventy and in Milwaukee about eighty-six.

The charge that criminality has increased rapidly with the increased

immigration from southern Europe seems to be substantiated by

statistics. From 1904 to 1908 the number of aliens charged with

committing grave crimes nearly doubled. While this fact will not prove

the point, it suggests thought on the question.

It has been truthfully said that the fundamental problem in this

question of immigration is most frequently overlooked. Back of the

statistics of illiteracy, pauperism, criminality, and the economic value

of immigrants lies another one of great proportions. What has been the

effect upon our native stock? What has been the expense, to our native

stock, of this increase of population and wealth through immigration?

The decreasing birth rate of our native population some contend is due

to the industrial competition caused by the foreign element. If this be

true, the foreigners have supplanted not supplemented the American, and

the question arises, how long can the assimilation go on before we lose

our American characteristics?

Swedish immigrant family considered desirable and qualified to enter.

The number of Europeans who return to their native lands after living a

time in the United States is comparatively small and the loss is not

great. The emigration of our farmers to Canada is a more serious thing.

Since 1897 the Dominion Government has fostered high-class immigration.

Canadian agencies have been established in many of our Western cities

with the avowed object of attracting farmers to the Provinces. The

Canadian Pacific Railway Company has taken up the pioneering business.

It sells the land, builds the home and the necessary buildings, breaks

the fields, plants the first crop, and hands over to the prospective

settler a farm under cultivation. In return the railway demands

high-class immigrants and, to insure this, no settler can take

possession of a railway farm unless he can show $2,000 in his own right.

Between 1897 and the close of 1910 Canada gained by immigration nearly

2,000,000 inhabitants. Of these, 630,000 were from the United States,

and it is estimated that those who went from the United States during

the past five years took with them $267,000,000 in cash and settlers'

effects. The end of the movement has not come, for the railway companies

have now gone into the reclamation of arid lands. Since 1908 over

1,000,000 acres of arid land in Alberta have been placed under

irrigation, and the work of reclaiming another equally large section has

begun. The American farmers who are taking advantage of this opportunity

form a class which we cannot afford to lose.

CHAPTER XII

NOTABLE SUPREME COURT DECISIONS

[1907]

The Northern Securities Company is a corporation, formed under the laws

of New Jersey, for the purpose of obtaining control of a majority of the

stock of the Northern Pacific Railroad and part of the stock of the

Great Northern Railroad. These roads, which parallel each other from

Lake Superior to the Pacific, have been held by the courts, in the case

of Pearsall vs. the Great Northern Railway, to be competing lines.

The organizers of the Northern Securities Company contended that their

ultimate purpose in organizing the company was to control the two

railway systems not for the purpose of suppressing competition, but to

create and develop a volume of trade among the States of the Northwest

and between the Orient and the United States by establishing and

maintaining a permanent schedule of cheap transportation rates.

When the company had completed its organization and the full

significance of the organization was known, the State of Minnesota

instituted proceedings against the company in the State courts. Later

the case was transferred to the federal Circuit Court and eventually

carried to the Supreme Court of the United States, where the contentions

of the State were overruled.

In March, 1902, a suit was instituted by the United States in the

Circuit Court of the eighth federal district. The judges who sat upon

the case decided unanimously that the acquisition of the stock of the

Northern Pacific and the Great Northern Railways by the Securities

Company was a combination for the restraint of trade among the States,

and therefore a violation of the Sherman act. A decree was issued by the

court prohibiting the company from acquiring any more of the stock of

these roads and from exercising any control over either of the roads in

question.

Copyright by Clinedinst. Washington.

W. Van Devanter.   H. H. Lurton.  C. E. Hughes.  J. R. Lamar.

O. W. Holmes.      J. M. Harlan.  E. D. White.   J. E. McKenna.  W. R. Day.

Justices of the United States Supreme Court who acted upon the cases of

the Standard Oil and American Tobacco Companies.

The case was carried to the Supreme Court which by a vote of five to

four, affirmed the decree of the lower court. In the majority opinion

the court took the position that the mere acquisition by the Securities

Company of the stock of the two roads was in itself a combination for

the restraint of trade. The power to do things made unlawful by the

Sherman act had been acquired and this in effect violated that act.

Another point was made clear by the court. The defendants had vigorously

denied that the power of Congress over interstate commerce was extended

to the regulation of railway corporations organized under State laws, by

reason of these corporations engaging in interstate commerce. The court

declared that while this was not the intention of the Government, the

Government was acting within its rights when it took steps, not

prohibited under the Constitution, for protecting the freedom of

interstate commerce. Furthermore, it was held that no State corporation

could stand in the way of the enforcement of the national will by

extending its authority into other States. In substance the court denied

the right of any State to endow a corporation of its creation with power

to restrain interstate commerce.

The contention of the defendants, that the Sherman law was intended to

prohibit only those restraints which are unreasonable at common law, was

dismissed on the ground that this question had been passed upon by the

lower court in other cases.

The dissenting opinions were two in number and were written by Justice

White and Justice Holmes.

Several conclusions of importance may be drawn from the court's

decision.

1. That Congress may forbid transactions of purchase and sale when such

transactions confer on an individual or group of individuals the power

to destroy competition.

2. No State can create corporations and confer upon them power to

interfere with interstate commerce.

3. The Sherman law is not to be interpreted as forbidding the reasonable

restraints of trade which are not objectionable at common law.

The Bailey case is one of importance by reason of the fact that the

decision handed down by the Supreme Court was an effective blow against

the "peonage system," which is an evasion of the constitutional

prohibition of slavery. The Alabama law provides, in effect, that the

mere act of quitting work on the part of a contract laborer is

conclusive evidence that he is guilty of the crime of defrauding his

employer.

Alonzo Bailey was engaged by a corporation to do farm work and signed a

contract for a year, the wages being $12 a month. The company, to bind

the contract, paid Bailey $15 down and it was agreed that thereafter he

should be paid at the rate of $10.75 a month. After working a month and

a few days he left. Instead of suing him for a breach of contract and

recovery of damages, the company caused the arrest of Bailey on the

charge of an attempt to defraud. No direct evidence could be produced

that this was his intention, but the law expressly authorized the jury

to find him guilty of fraud, on the ground that he quitted work. The

accused was not allowed to testify as to his unexpressed intention. His

opportunity to escape prison was to pay back the $15 or to work out the

sum. In case neither was done, he was to be fined double the amount paid

at the time of making the contract or go to work at hard labor.

The attorneys for Bailey, wishing to test the constitutionality of the

Alabama law, carried the case to the Supreme Court of the United States.

The constitutionality of the law was called into question on the

following grounds: (1) That it violated the prohibition against

involuntary service; (2) it denied the plaintiff in error the right of

due process of law; (3) that by laying a burden on the employee and no

equivalent burden on the employer, the law denied to the plaintiff the

constitutional right of equal protection of the laws.

The decision of the court was not unanimous. Justices Holmes and Lurton

upheld the Alabama law, but the majority, in an opinion written by

Justice Hughes, declared the law in conflict with the Thirteenth

Amendment, which prohibits slavery or involuntary servitude, except as a

punishment for crime.

The significance of the decision is this--slavery has been outlawed by

our highest court, and one more legal barrier to the progress of the

black man has been removed.

The case of Loewe vs. Lawler, probably better known to the public as the

Danbury Hatters  case, was decided by the Supreme Court in February,

1908, Chief Justice Fuller rendering the decision. The action was

brought originally in the United States Circuit Court for the District

of Connecticut and, after passing through the Circuit Court of Appeals,

reached the Supreme Court late in 1907.

Photograph copyright by Clinedinst, Washington.

Chief Justice Melville W. Fuller.

The plaintiffs, who were manufacturers of hats, complained that the

defendants--members of the United Hatters of North America, an

organization which was a part of the American Federation of Labor--were

"engaged in a combined scheme and effort to force all manufacturers of

fur hats in the United States, including the plaintiffs, against their

will and their previous policy of carrying on their business, to

organize their workmen . . . into an organization of the said

combination known as The United Hatters of North America, or, as the

defendants and their confederates term it, to unionize their shops, with

the intent thereby to control the employment of labor in, and the

operation of, said factories . . . and to carry out such scheme, effort

and purpose by restraining and destroying the interstate trade and

commerce of such manufacturers by means of intimidation of, and threats

made to such manufacturers and their customers in the several States, of

boycotting them, their product and their customers . . . until . . . the

said manufacturers should yield to the demand to unionize their

factories."

These methods had been successfully employed before, as is evidenced by

the fact that seventy of the eighty-two manufacturers of fur hats had

been compelled to accept the conditions set forth by the American

Federation of Labor. The boycott against the Danbury, manufacturers

began in July, 1902, and was widened to include the wholesalers who

handled the goods of the Danbury concern, the dealers who bought from

the wholesalers, and customers who bought from these dealers. Notices to

this effect were printed in the official organs of the American

Federation of Labor and the United Hatters of North America. To make the

feeling against the manufacturers more intense, statements were

published to the effect that they were practising an unfair, un-American

policy in discriminating against competent union men in favor of the

cheap unskilled foreign labor.

The counsel for the defence argued that no case could be set up under

the Sherman act, since the defendants were not engaged in interstate

commerce, implying that a combination of laborers was not a violation of

the act. The court held that an action could be maintained in this case

and that the combination as it existed was "in restraint of trade" in

the sense designated by the act of 1890. The significance of the

decision lies in the fact that the Supreme Court made no distinctions

between classes. Records of Congress show that efforts were made to

exempt, by legislation, organizations of farmers and laborers from the

operation of the act and that their efforts failed. Therefore the court

held that every contract, combination, or conspiracy in restraint of

trade was illegal and cited a former decision (The United States vs.

Workingmen's Amalgamated Council) to show that the law interdicted

combinations of workingmen as well as capital.

The Sherman act was passed by Congress in 1890. It was entitled "An Act

to Protect Trade and Commerce against Unlawful Restraints and

Monopolies." Since its passage various cases falling under it have been

decided, but until the decisions in the Standard Oil Company and the

American Tobacco Company cases the extent and intent of this act have

not been understood.

In the Standard Oil case the question involved was this: Was the Sherman

act violated by the existence and conduct of this corporation, which

owned or controlled some eighty corporations originally in competition?

The control had been acquired for the purpose of monopolizing the sale

and distribution of petroleum products in the United States, and had

been acquired by various means of combination with the intent either by

fair or unfair methods "to drive others from the field and to exclude

them from their right to trade."  The proof was that, to destroy

competitors, prices had been temporarily reduced in various localities,

spies had been used on competitors' business, bogus independent

companies operated, and rebates given and taken.

In the case of the American Tobacco Company, there were more than one

hundred formerly competing companies united under the control of a

single organization and the market in nearly all tobacco products was

monopolized. This domination was secured "by methods devised in order to

monopolize the trade by driving competitors out of business."

In each case the court found the defendants guilty on the grounds that

the agreements and the conduct of the defendants indicated a purpose to

destroy competitors and monopolize trade in certain articles. The

desired result was accomplished by wrongful means which injured the

public as well as the competitors.

The facts in neither case required the consideration of the question as

to whether the Sherman act prohibited every unification of formerly

competing properties and every restraint of trade, reasonable or

unreasonable but, owing to the uncertainty of the public concerning the

meaning of the law, the court stated definitely the meaning and scope of

the act. From appearances the Supreme Court has practically amended the

Sherman act by limiting its application to "unreasonable" restraints of

trade. The significance of the decisions lies here rather than in the

fact that both companies were compelled to dissolve. The best legal

authorities believe that the new interpretation of "reasonableness" and

"unreasonableness" of restraint of trade has increased rather than

decreased the effectiveness of the law, inasmuch as the meaning has

always been obscure. The new policy is a notification to combinations of

capital that to exist without prosecution they must not resort to any

unfair, oppressive, or illegal methods to control competition or crush

competitors.

CHAPTER XIII

PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S SECOND TERM--CONTINUED

[1907]

While President Roosevelt advocated peace, he believed that the best

means to preserve peace was suitable preparation for war. In his message

to Congress, 1904, he said; "There is no more patriotic duty before us

as a people than to keep the navy adequate to the needs of this

country's position. Our voice is now potent for peace, and is so potent

because we are not afraid of war. But our protestations would neither

receive nor deserve the slightest attention if we were impotent to make

them good." At all times he urged a larger and more efficient navy. For

years, before he became Assistant Secretary of the Navy, he had been a

student of naval affairs. He found that there was no programme for

building ships as in the European countries, and that there was general

unpreparedness for war.

Before the war with Spain, the American navy was so inferior that it was

excluded from any table of the principal navies of the world. Had the

United States possessed a few more battleships at that time, it is

probable that war would not have occurred. Spanish authorities had been

told by naval experts that their navy was superior to ours.

Profiting by that experience, plans for a larger navy were projected. By

the close of the year 1907 there were about 300 vessels in the navy

manned by 35,377 men. In comparative strength it ranked second only to

that of Great Britain. Not only was there an increase in the number of

vessels but there was great improvement in marksmanship and in the

handling of ships. In the battle of Santiago it has been estimated that

about five per cent of the shells struck the enemy. During the year 1902

Rear-Admiral Robley D. Evans introduced regular and frequent target

practice. So effective was this work that in 1908, at ranges twice as

great as at Santiago, gunners throughout the fleet averaged sixty per

cent and one vessel scored eighty per cent. Rapidity of fire also was

increased nearly fourfold.

It was the custom to send the fleet each winter to the Caribbean Sea for

manoeuvres, which lasted about four months. In December, 1907, the

Atlantic fleet, comprising sixteen battle-ships and a flotilla of

torpedo-boats, began a cruise around the world. President Roosevelt

steadily adhered to the plan in the face of the most extravagant

denunciation on the part of those who declared that it could be

considered only as a menace toward Japan. Naval experts claimed,

however, that the experience to be gained by this cruise, such as

practice in handling ships in all kinds of weather, the renewal of

stores and coal, and the meeting of other problems incident to actual

warfare, justified the experiment.

Copyright. 1908. by Harris & Ewing.

Rear-Admiral Robley D. Evans.

Under command of Rear-Admiral Evans the fleet reached Rio Janeiro on

January 12. Unusual honors were tendered the men by the Brazilian

government and people. The day of their arrival was made a national

festival. In reply to the friendly greeting from the Brazilian

government President Roosevelt wrote: "The war-ships on this cruise

exist for no other purpose than to protect peace against possible

aggression. As between the United States and Brazil these ships are not

men-of-war, but messengers of friendship and good-will." There were

similar manifestations on the part of Argentina, Chile, and Peru. The

visit of the fleet to these countries was regarded as a compliment. They

were permitted to see something of the strength of the republic at the

north and learned that the Monroe Doctrine might be enforced, if need

be, by a navy of the first rank. Notable ceremonies attended the arrival

of the fleet at Honolulu, Auckland, Sydney, Melbourne, and Manila. A

despatch to a London paper said: "It is beyond question that the United

States is no longer a Western but a cosmic power. America is now a force

in the world, speaking with authoritative accent, and wielding a

dominant influence such as ought to belong to her vast wealth,

prosperity, and importance."

Copyright, 1907. by Underwood & Underwood.

The Atlantic fleet starting on its journey round the world, December, 1907.

Rear-Admiral Charles S. Sperry.

At Auckland Rear-Admiral Evans, who had spent forty-eight years in the

navy, having reached the age limit of sixty-two years, was succeeded in

command by Rear-Admiral Sperry. Unusual honors were accorded the fleet

by Japan. Each American warship was escorted into the harbor of Yokohama

by a Japanese vessel of the same class and many other evidences of

friendship were manifest during their visit. The fleet then proceeded to

China, through the Suez Canal and the Strait of Gibraltar, and at the

end of one year and sixty-eight days, after covering 45,000 miles,

dropped anchor in Hampton Roads. The accomplishment of this feat,

without precedent in naval annals, still farther contributed to the

establishment of the prestige of the United States as a great world

power.

In 1889 the government of the United States purchased from the Indians a

large irregular tract of land not then occupied by them and erected it

into a separate territory under the name of Oklahoma. When it was opened

for settlement, April 22, 1889, a horde of settlers who had been waiting

on the borders rushed in to take possession of the lands. Cities and

towns sprang up as if by magic. The loose system of government exercised

by the five civilized tribes became steadily more ineffective when the

Indian Territory was thus brought into contact with white settlers. By

1893 affairs had become so confused that Congress decided to take steps

toward the ultimate admission of the territory into the Union as a

State. A committee of the Senate reported that the system of government

exercised by the Indians cannot be continued, that it is not only

non-American but it is radically wrong, and a change is imperatively

demanded in the interest of the Indians and the whites alike, and such

change cannot be much longer delayed, and that there can be no

modification of the system. It cannot be reformed; it must be abandoned

and a better one substituted.

Gradually the five tribes--Cherokee, Choctaw, Creek, Chickasaw, and

Seminole--were shorn of their governmental powers. Lands were allotted

in severalty, certain coal, oil, and asphalt lands being reserved. A

public school system was established and maintained by general taxation.

In his message to Congress, 1905, President Roosevelt recommended the

immediate admission of Oklahoma and Indian Territory as one State and

Arizona and New Mexico as another. A statehood bill embodying this

recommendation was passed by the House, but was amended in the Senate so

as to strike out the provision relative to the admission of New Mexico

and Arizona. Opposition to the admission of the last two territories as

one State came principally from the great mining companies of Arizona

supported by the railroad corporations. They were in practical control

of the territory with hundreds of millions of dollars in property. They

were fearful of the loss of control and an increase of taxation under

such a combination. Finally an act was passed by Congress, in 1906,

enabling the people of Oklahoma and Indian Territory to form a

constitution and State government and be admitted into the Union. The

enabling act provided that all male persons over the age of twenty-one

years who were citizens of the United States or who were members of any

Indian nation or tribe in said Oklahoma and Indian Territory, and who

had resided within the limits of said proposed State for at least six

months next preceding the election, should be entitled to vote for

delegate or serve as delegates in a constitutional convention. A number

of Indians were delegates in this convention. The constitution, which

was adopted by the voters, September 17, 1907, was greatly criticised on

account of its radicalism. The new State, the forty-seventh, was

formally proclaimed by the President in 1908. It has an area of 70,000

square miles. In 1900 the population was 800,000 which was increased to

1,500,000 by the date of admission. The wonderful climate and fertile

soil together with the energy of its population have continued to

attract thousands of immigrants each year.

The exclusion of Japanese students from the public schools of San

Francisco, 1906, seemed  for a time to augur grave results. One-half of

the ninety Japanese who were in attendance upon these schools were above

sixteen years of age and were taught in the classes with little

children. The order of the San Francisco school board excluding the

Japanese was in harmony with the California law which permitted local

school boards to segregate Mongolians in schools apart from those for

white children. But this order nullified our treaty with Japan which

provided that the subjects of that nation should be granted the same

personal rights when in this country that our own citizens enjoy.

President Roosevelt acted with promptness and decision. His attitude was

shown in his message to Congress, December, 1907, in which he said: "To

shut them out from the public schools is a wicked absurdity . . . .

Throughout Japan Americans are well treated and any failure on the part

of Americans at home to treat the Japanese with a like courtesy and

consideration is by just so much a confession of inferiority in our

civilization . . . . I ask fair treatment for the Japanese as I would

ask fair treatment for Germans or Englishmen, Frenchmen, Russians, or

Italians .... In the matter now before me, affecting the Japanese,

everything that is in my power to do will be done, and all of the

forces, military and civil, of the United States which I may lawfully

employ will be so employed."

But the problem was not settled, for early in the year 1909

anti-Japanese resolutions were brought before the legislatures of

California, Nevada, Oregon, and two or three other Pacific States. The

bills before the legislature of California provided:

1. For the segregation of Japanese and other Orientals in residential

   quarters at the option of municipalities.

2. That aliens should not own land in California.

3. That aliens should not become directors in California corporations.

4. For separate schools for Japanese students.

On February 8, President Roosevelt sent a telegram to the Speaker of the

California assembly giving the Government's views on the pending bills.

"The policy agreed to by both governments," he said, "aims at mutuality

of obligation and behavior. In accordance with it the purpose is that

the Japanese shall come here exactly as Americans go to Japan, which is

in effect that travellers, students, persons engaged in international

business, men who sojourn for pleasure or study, and the like, shall

have the freest access from one country to the other, and shall be sure

of the best treatment, but that there shall be no settlement in mass by

the people of either country in the other." While there is nothing in

the Constitution or laws to prevent the President from urging a State

legislature to vote for or against certain pending bills, such a course

is unusual. It had become a national question, however, and the

President's energy in handling the problem is worthy of praise.

According to the census of 1900, there were over 700,000 children under

sixteen years of age at work in the mills, mines, factories, and

sweat-shops of the United States. Nearly all of the States had

child-labor laws, but they were ordinarily poorly enforced and no State

was wholly free from the blight of this child slavery. While fourteen

years was the minimum in most of the States, a few permitted the

employment of children of ten years of age. In the majority of cases

there was no legal closing hour after which children might not be

employed.

Cotton-mill operatives so small that in order to reach

their work they have to stand upon the machinery.

The spinning-room overseer and his flock in a Mississippi cotton-mill.

The subject was given national prominence through the Beveridge-Parsons

Bill introduced into the Senate, December, 1907, marking an epoch in the

history of federal legislation. This bill proposed to exclude from

interstate commerce all products of mines and factories which employ

children under the age of fourteen. The bill was not, however, brought

up for discussion. The leading arguments of its opponents were as

follows: (1) That the question was local only; (2) there was no reason

to believe that federal would be better than State administration; (3)

that it was limited in effect since it could not prevent children being

employed in the manufacture of goods to be sold within a State. A bill

passed both houses and was signed by the President, authorizing the

Secretary of Commerce and Labor "to investigate and report on the

industrial, social, moral, educational, and physical conditions of woman

and child workers of the United States, wherever employed, with special

reference to their age, hours of labor, term of employment, health,

illiteracy, sanitary and other conditions surrounding their occupation,

and the means employed for the protection of their health, persons, and

morals." An appropriation of $150,000 was made with which to carry on

this investigation. Among the demands of the National Child Labor

Committee have been a shorter day's work for children between the ages

of fourteen and sixteen, health certificates for factory employment in

dangerous trades, and the regulation of children in street trades.

Electric train, Long Island R. R.

The period of Mr. Roosevelt's administrations was notable on account of

advances made in various other directions. Electricity was applied to

new and larger uses. Power was transmitted to greater distances. Niagara

Falls was made to produce an electric current employed leagues away.

Electric railways, radiating from cities, converted farms and sand-lots

into suburban real estate quickly and easily accessible from the great

centres. Telephone service was extended far into country parts, and,

with the rural free delivery of mail, brought farmers into quick and

inexpensive communication with the outside world, robbing the farm of

what was once both its chief attraction and its greatest

inconvenience--isolation.

Guglielmo Marconi and his wireless telegraph.

German experiments developed an electric surface car with a speed of two

miles a minute. Wireless telegraphy came into use. By means of high

masts rigged, with wires diverging to the earth somewhat like the frame

of a partly opened umbrella, it was found possible under favorable

atmospheric conditions to telegraph hundreds of miles through the air.

The most notable use of this invention was to communicate between ships

and the shore or between ships at sea, a particularly desirable facility

in fog, storm, or darkness, when other signals were useless.

Marconi Transatlantic Station at South Wellfleet, Cape Cod, Mass.

Electricity and the gasolene engine were applied to bicycles, vehicles,

and boats, often generating sufficient power to run a small factory.

Bicycles somewhat passed from vogue, but automobiles became fashionable,

partly for rapid transit, partly for work formerly consigned to heavy

teams. Auto-carriages capable of railway speed, varying indefinitely in

style and in cost, might be seen upon the smoother roads about cities

all the way from Maine to California. They exerted great influence in

inducing communities to macadamize roads, for which the passing of the

stage-coach and the spread of railroads had diminished the demand.

Courtesy of Scientific American.

The "Arrow" getting under way.

Effort with flying machines was incessant but only partially successful.

No air-ship had thus far been devised which could undertake a definite

voyage of length with any certainty of reaching its destination. The

best feat yet was that of the air-ship Arrow, which, October 25, 1904,

at St. Louis, made a ten-mile trip. On the other hand, the development

of boats able to carry life for hours beneath the surface of the sea

added a new form of attack and defence against the well-nigh

impenetrable sides and enormously powerful guns of modern naval ships.

About 1890 the use of the Australian ballot system became general, and

thus the purchase of votes became more difficult. But this reform did

not eliminate the evils of machine politics. State laws were extended to

the control of party affairs, with severer punishments for corrupt

practices, the control of lobbying, and the requirement of publicity for

campaign expenses. In a few States the primary election system was put

into operation. Public officers won popular approval in numerous States

and cities by their activity in revealing "graft" and by their fearless

enforcement of the law.

These reforms were made possible by the increase of independent voting

in State and city politics. Politicians must reckon, as never before,

with the demand of the average citizen for honesty in public service.

The influence of corporations in governmental affairs received a check,

and there came to be a growing demand for the more complete control of

public utilities, and for the public ownership of them in cities.

Courtesy of Scientific American

Baldwin's airship "Arrow" at a height of 600 feet over

the Exposition Palaces, St. Louis, October 25, 1904.

The prominence of the moral element in the business and political

reforms mentioned above characterizes this as an era of "awakened civic

conscience." Both moral and economic considerations may be seen in the

protest against the excessive use of alcoholic liquors that has resulted

in the prohibition of liquor selling in a number of States and parts of

States, especially in the South. Educationally, the period showed

increased attention to the industrial and practical aspects of school

work. Courses in manual training came to be regarded as necessary for

the complete development of mind and body. Physical education received

greater attention. The establishment of public libraries, aided by the

munificent gifts of Andrew Carnegie, was rapid.

Millions of dollars, also, were contributed to the cause of education

and research. Among the most notable of these gifts were those by Mr.

Carnegie for the establishment of the Carnegie Institution and the

Carnegie Foundation, and the contribution to the General Education Board

by John D. Rockefeller. In 1902 the Carnegie Institution at Washington

was established by a gift of $10,000,000 by Andrew Carnegie. This sum he

afterward increased to $25,000,000. The work of the institution is to

carry on scientific study and research. Material is being collected for

the economic history of the United States, and students of American

history have been aided by the catalogues showing the location of

documentary and other source material. While the head-quarters of the

Institution is in Washington, important departments are located

elsewhere throughout the country. There is a laboratory at Tucson,

Arizona, for the study of desert plant life; a biological laboratory at

Cold Spring Harbor, Long Island; a marine biological laboratory at

Tortugas, off the Florida coast, and an astronomical observatory at

Mount Wilson, California.

Atlanta, Ga.

Washington, D. C.

Pittsburgh, Pa.

CARNEGIE FREE PUBLIC LIBRARIES.

May 6, 1905, the announcement was made of a gift of $10,000,000 for the

purpose of providing retiring pensions for the teachers of colleges,

universities, and technical schools in the United States, Canada, and

Newfoundland. In making the gift Mr. Carnegie wrote: "I hope this fund

may do much for the cause of higher education and to remove a source of

deep and constant anxiety to the poorest paid and yet one of the highest

of all professions." The fund was to be applied without regard to age,

sex, creed, or color. Sectarian institutions, so-called, or those which

require a majority of their trustees, officers, faculty, or students to

belong to a specified sect, or which impose any theological test

whatever, were excluded by the terms of the gift. Universities supported

by State taxation were at first excluded, but a supplementary gift by

Mr. Carnegie of $5,000,000, in 1908, extended the privileges of the

foundation to these universities.

In February, 1907, John D. Rockefeller increased the money at the

disposal of the General Education Board by a gift of $32,000,000. This

fund, which had been originally established by him, amounting to

$11,000,000, had been used chiefly for the improvement of education in

the South. Common schools were aided, high-schools established, and

instruction in agriculture fostered. The additional sum was to be

devoted to lending assistance to certain selected colleges, with the

stipulation that the college was to raise three times the amount of

money granted it by the Board.

CHAPTER XIV

THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1908

[1908]

In spite of the oft-repeated statement made by President Roosevelt that

he would not be a candidate for nomination on the Republican national

ticket in 1908, the party leaders seemed to fear a stampede in the

Chicago convention. Plans had been laid carefully by the party leaders

to prevent this possibility, and when William H. Taft, of Ohio, received

the nomination on the first ballot, delegates and spectators gave vent

to their feelings by prolonged applause. Out of a total of 980 ballots

cast Mr. Taft received 702. As Secretary of War in President Roosevelt's

cabinet he had been chosen by the President to succeed him, for it was

believed that through training and sympathy he was best fitted to carry

out the policies of the administration.

Other candidates for nomination had appeared during the summer and each

had a following of more or less strength. Senator La Follette, of

Wisconsin; Governor Hughes, of New York, and Speaker Cannon, of

Illinois, each received some support in the convention. Throughout the

land no surprise was occasioned, however, by the nomination of Mr. Taft.

Apparently the nomination of James S. Sherman, of New York, for the

office of Vice-President was the result of political expediency; he was

a good organization man; he had enjoyed considerable experience in

public affairs and had been a member of Congress for twenty years.

Moreover, the fact that he came from New York made it a wise move,

politically, to give him a place on the ticket.

Copyright by Clinedinst, Washington.

Joseph G. Cannon.

To outside observers the convention was a harmonious one, ready and

anxious to adopt and indorse the Roosevelt policies and to accord a most

hearty support to the candidate who best represented these policies. The

platform which was drawn up was a strong political document which not

only stated the Republican policies clearly but was also a piece of

campaign literature of some note from the stand-point of literary worth.

Photograph by C. M. Ball, Washington.

James S. Sherman, nominated for Vice-President.

Throughout the months preceding the assembling of the Democratic

convention, in Denver, there was some uncertainty as to who would

control it. Governor Folk, of Missouri, had been much in the public eye

through his war on graft and on account of his successful administration

of the gubernatorial office. Judge Gray, of Delaware, who had served his

State in the United States Senate and had acquired an enviable

reputation as a justice of the United States Circuit Court, was also a

strong candidate. Judson Harmon, of Ohio, Attorney-General under

President Cleveland, and Governor Johnson, of Minnesota, had numerous

supporters.

When the voting began in the convention the result was not long in

doubt. William Jennings Bryan was for the third time accorded the honor

of leading the Democratic party. On the first ballot Mr. Bryan received

892-1/2 votes; Judge Gray, his chief opponent, received 59-1/2. The

cheers which followed the announcement of the vote showed that two

defeats had not dampened the loyalty of the Western Democrats. Mr. Kern,

of Indiana, was nominated by acclamation for the Vice-Presidency. The

committee on the formation of the platform seemed to have some

difficulty in determining the final form of some of the planks.

Both parties in their platforms favored tariff revision. The Republican

party declared for the protective system and reciprocity and promised a

special session of Congress to treat the whole tariff question. The

Democratic party adhered to the old principle of "tariff for revenue"

and pledged itself to return to that basis as soon as practicable.

Furthermore, it pledged itself to bring about immediately such

reductions as would put trust-controlled products upon the free list and

to lower the duties on the necessaries of life, particularly upon those

which were sold more cheaply abroad than at home. Lumber was to go on

the free list. Any deficiency in the revenues which might arise from

this policy was to be made up through the medium of an income tax.

Both platforms declared for reform in the currency laws, but neither one

advanced any plan for revision. The Democratic platform condemned as

criminal the large expenditures of the recent administration, but showed

some inconsistency by favoring such policies as a large navy, generous

pensions, large expenditures for the improvement of rivers and harbors

which would necessitate the expenditure of great sums.

The regulation of railways and corporations was demanded by both

parties. The difference between the demands lay in the means to be

employed. The Democratic platform declared for State control of this

question as well as that relating to the conservation of our natural

resources. The Republicans took the stand that both questions should be

solved by the Federal Government.

In treating the problem of the alien races the Republican document

referred to the negro race by name, demanded equal justice for all men,

and condemned the devices used by some States for disfranchising the

negro. Nothing was said concerning Chinese and Japanese immigration. The

Democratic platform was silent on the negro question and declared

against the admission of Orientals into our country.

Arbitration was favored by the Republicans, but was not mentioned in the

opposition platform. On the Philippine question there was a division.

The Republicans favored a gradual development of home-rule; the

Democrats for early independence under an American protectorate.

Three things in the Democratic platform are worthy of note: (I) The

demand for a federal law compelling publicity of campaign contributions;

(2) the election of senators by direct vote, and (3) the adoption of

such parliamentary rules as would make the House of Representatives a

deliberative body.

The Socialist convention, which assembled in Chicago, nominated Eugene

V. Debs for President and Ben Hanford for Vice-President.

Two tendencies of political thought were displayed in the Socialist

platform as framed by the committee. First, a tendency away from

individual ownership of productive property and the individual

administration of industry, and toward the collective ownership of

productive property and the collective administration of industry. This

was illustrated by the demands made for the collective ownership of all

railways, steamship lines, and other means of transportation, as well as

telephones, telegraphs, etc. It was further evidenced by the demand that

the public domain be made to include mines, quarries, oil wells,

water-power, reclaimed and reforested lands. The second tendency was

away from a form of government of checks and balances toward one by the

unrestrained majority. This was shown by the demands for the abolition

of (I) the Senate, (2) the veto power of the President, (3) the power of

the Supreme Court to pass on the constitutionality of legislation.

Industrial demands were made. There should be a more effective

inspection of workshops and factories; there should be no employment of

children under sixteen years of age; interstate transportation of the

products of child labor or convict labor should be forbidden; compulsory

insurance against unemployment, illness, accidents, old age, and death

should be adopted.

Among the political reforms demanded were inheritance and income taxes,

equal suffrage for men and women, the initiative and referendum,

proportional representation, and the right of recall. The Federal

Constitution was to be amended by majority vote. Judges were to be

elected for short terms.

The nominees of the Prohibition party were Eugene W. Chapin, of

Illinois, for President, and Aaron S. Watkins, of Ohio, for

Vice-President. In the platform framed there were the usual declarations

against the liquor traffic, but there were also planks demanding

reforms.  The election of senators by direct vote; the passage of

inheritance and income taxes; the establishment of postal savings banks;

the guaranty of bank deposits; the creation of a permanent tariff

commission; the conservation of natural resources; an equitable and

constitutional employers' liability act, and legislation basing suffrage

only upon intelligence and ability to read and write the English

language, were the chief planks. Beyond any doubt this platform--the

shortest of all--shows that the men who constructed it were not

dreamers. It is possible that the delegates may have been looked upon as

visionaries, for there were few among them who could be called

"practical politicians," but, as one writer of note has said, the

delegates were "typical of that class of society on which the nation

ever depends in a great crisis, the sort from which all moral movements

spring. . . ."

It has often been said that the excitement of presidential campaigns is

detrimental to the nation. This could hardly be said of the campaign of

1908. To produce political excitement there must be debatable questions

termed, by the politicians as "issues." Just what the issues were in the

campaign few people could determine. There were no issues which involved

foreign affairs. The Democratic party did not criticise the sending of

the fleet around the world, the administration's policy in Cuba, the

policy concerning the Panama Canal, nor even the policy pursued in the

Philippines. As regards military and naval matters, pensions to

veterans, the development of internal waterways, the conservation of

resources, etc., there were no issues simply because the people had

practically the same views about them. Consequently issues had to be

made, and, generally speaking, the Republican leaders appealed to the

people along the lines of the personal fitness of the candidates.

It was pointed out that President Roosevelt had indicated his Secretary

of War as the best man to carry out the policy inaugurated by the

administration of subduing and controlling influential law-breakers. The

chief officer of the government has vested in himself powers of wide

range--the appointment of the judiciary, the superintendence of the

administration of the business affairs of the nation, the guidance of

our international affairs. Therefore the President must be a keen judge

of men capable of distinguishing the honest, efficient servant of the

nation from the self-seeking politician; he must resist political

pressure; he must be national in his patriotism and breadth of vision;

he must know our foreign relations intimately, that the continuity of

policies may not be broken and the efficiency of our foreign service

weakened thereby. He must have the capacity to work long hours, with

skill, care, and rapidity. In short, the chief executive must be a man

who is fit mentally and physically.

William H. Taft on his trip, stumping for the nomination.

Some of these essential qualities the candidates of the two great

parties possessed in a high degree. They were honest and sincere; they

were familiar with the desires and needs of the various sections of the

nation; they were national in the breadth of their policies. But they

were different in temperament, equipment, and experience, and upon this

difference the Republican leaders made their appeal to the voters.

The Democratic nominee was essentially an orator--he swayed the masses

by his denunciation of the perils which threatened the nation through

the concentration of wealth which had gone on under the Republican rule.

His opponents admitted that a man of his stamp was invaluable to the

American people, but they contended that his place was in the editor's

chair, in the pulpit, or upon the lecture platform, not as the chief

executive of the nation. Furthermore, it was said that this great orator

had views on political, social, and economic questions which bordered on

the visionary, and that any man who had openly supported free silver,

anti-imperialism, or even the guaranty of bank deposits, could not be

safely trusted with the guidance of the nation's destinies.

The Republican candidate had none of the qualifications of an orator; he

was rather a teacher. He did not cater to the desires of his audience;

he struck at the abuses most prevalent in the section where he spoke. It

was his business to point out weaknesses; to find remedies for them; to

educate, not sway, his audiences. His mind was constructive; his

training had been along the lines of constructive political thought; he

had proven his ability by his organization of a civil government for the

Philippines and by his solution of the vexed question of Cuba. So it was

argued that the best test of his ability and guaranty of efficiency was

the work he had already done.

The campaign was lacking in life and enthusiasm simply because there

were no clearly defined issues. The candidates went through the usual

performances of "swinging around the political circuit." Mr. Taft was

accorded a warm welcome on his trip, for the people wished to get

acquainted with President Roosevelt's choice as much as to hear him

discuss the Republican policies. Mr. Bryan, who conducted a great

speaking campaign, confined his attention to advocating the bank

guaranty plan and to attacking the evils of private monopoly. Political

enthusiasm was at a low ebb. Few people took matters seriously and the

campaign was aptly characterized as the "Era of No Feeling."

The vote cast for presidential electors was primarily an expression of

popular confidence in the Roosevelt administration. For nearly half a

century the situation in the nation had been becoming more and more a

source of anxiety to the thinking men of the land. Our economic

development had taken place so rapidly that the great aggregations of

capital and the great corporations had gotten beyond control and had

shown dangerous tendencies toward lawlessness and political corruption.

The feeling that the great corporations were not only beyond the control

of law but even controlled the government in the interests of a few, led

to a belief that the government was passing out of the hands of the

people, and that the function of our republican government was being

arrested. The radical and the agitator were getting the ear of the

nation, for the faith of the nation was shaken. Then came President

Roosevelt to take up a task of greatest difficulty, and for nearly eight

years, amidst the applause of the plain people, he administered the

affairs of the nation firmly, honestly, and with efficiency. The

Republican convention in Chicago by its nomination of Mr. Taft had put

the stamp of its approval upon the Roosevelt administration, and turned

to appeal to the voters.

Copyright, 1908,  by Young & Carl, Cincinnati, Ohio.

Mr. Taft formally accepting the Republican nomination for the

Presidency, on the veranda of the residence of his brother, Mr. Charles

P. Taft, of Cincinnati, Ohio.

In round numbers Taft received 7,680,000 votes and Bryan 6,410,000. The

electoral vote stood 321 for the Republican candidate and 162 for the

Democratic candidate. Thirty States elected Republican presidential

electors; eighteen elected Democratic electors. With the exception of

Nebraska, Nevada, and Colorado, which together contributed sixteen

electoral votes, all the States carried by the Democratic nominee were

Southern States. The nation had approved the Roosevelt policy, but the

great popular vote for Mr. Bryan showed clearly the loyalty of millions

of voters. These men believed that their leader stood for the plain

people--for the unprivileged. There were many who had feared Mr. Bryan's

policies in 1896, who voted for him in 1908 because they believed that

twelve years of public life and the study of national problems had

changed and bettered his ideals.

Some Republican writers professed to believe that the popular vote

indicated that a majority of people adhered to the policy of protection.

To others it appeared that the voters were willing to accept the

protective policy with a promise for honest tariff revision in order to

obtain a continuation of the Roosevelt policies.

The popular vote is interesting mainly for what it showed concerning the

changed strength of the small parties, During the period 1904 to 1908

the drift had evidently been away from them. The Socialist vote was

nearly as large in 1908 as in 1904, which was a consolation to

Socialists, for they had held the ground gained by the heavy vote in

1904. The Prohibition vote fell off about ten per cent from that polled

in 1904 and the Independence party polled only 82,000 votes.

In the House of Representatives the Sixty-first Congress had 219

Republicans and 172 Democrats; the Senate 60 Republicans and 32

Democrats.

CHAPTER XV

THE ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT TAFT

[1909]

On March 4, 1909, the date of the inaugural ceremonies, Washington was

visited by a heavy snow-storm, and Mr. Taft, departing from the custom

of delivering his inaugural address at the east end of the Capitol,

spoke in the Senate chamber. Many trains bearing visitors to Washington,

from various parts of' the country, were blockaded, This condition

served to emphasize the call, many times made, for the transfer of the

date of these services to April 30, the day on which President

Washington took the oath of office.

President Taft's inaugural address was wise and temperate and

satisfactory to the country at large. He asserted that the most

important feature of his administration would be the maintenance and

enforcement of the reforms inaugurated by President Roosevelt. He

justified appropriations, as his predecessor had done, for maintaining a

suitable army and navy; advocated the conservation of our natural

resources, the establishment of postal savings banks, and direct lines

of steamers between North and South America.

Copyright by Clinedinst, Washington.

President William H. Taft and Governor Hughes

on the reviewing stand at the inauguration, March 4,1909.

The cabinet was made up of men largely gathered from private life, a

majority of them being comparatively unknown to the public. Philander C.

Knox was United States senator from Pennsylvania when he was appointed

Secretary of State. He had served as Attorney-General in President

McKinley's cabinet. Franklin MacVeagh, of Illinois, who was made

Secretary of the Treasury, had been prominent as a merchant in Chicago

and active in public affairs. Mr. MacVeagh and Jacob M. Dickinson, who

became Secretary of War, were both members of the Democratic party. By

inviting Democrats to become members of his political family, President

Taft desired to give recognition to the fact that he had been elected by

Democratic votes and had received substantial support in parts of the

South. Mr. Dickinson was also from Chicago. The Secretary of the Navy,

George von L. Meyer, of Massachusetts, had served as ambassador to

Russia, and later as Postmaster-General during Mr. Roosevelt's

administration. Frank H. Hitchcock, of Ohio, who was made

Postmaster-General, had served as First Assistant Postmaster-General.

George W. Wickersham, an attorney of good standing in New York City, was

appointed Attorney-General. Richard A. Ballinger, of Seattle, who had

been Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1907-1909, was appointed

Secretary of the Interior. James Wilson, of Iowa, who had served as

Secretary of Agriculture since 1897, was continued in that office.

Charles Nagel, a noted lawyer of St. Louis, was made Secretary of

Commerce and Labor.

Copyright, 1909, by Brown Bros., N. Y. Reading from left to right:

President Taft, Franklin MacVeagh, Sec'y of the Treasury. George W.

Wickersham, Attorney-General. George von L. Meyer, Sec'y of the Navy,

Philander C. Knox, Sec'y of State, James Wilson, Sec'y of Agriculture.

Charles Nagel, Sec'y of Commerce and Labor( above). Jacob M. Dickinson,

Sec'y of War (below). Frank H. Hitchcock, postmaster-General. Richard A.

Ballinger, Sec'y of the Interior. President Taft and Cabinet, 1909.

With the beginning of the new administration the President's salary was

increased to $75,000 a year; that of the Vice-President to $12,000; and

members of the cabinet to $12,000.

From June 1 to October 15 there was held at Seattle the

Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition. The rapid growth of Seattle has been

due in no small degree to the fostering of trade with Alaska. The

exhibits served to demonstrate the wisdom of the purchase of the

territory, which at that time was characterized as Seward's "folly."

Alaska has for some years been recognized as a country of wealth and

opportunity. The gold output each year is more than three times the sum

paid Russia for the territory. About one-fifth of the gold produced in

the United States comes from Alaskan mines. Products amounting to

$33,500,000 were shipped to the States from Alaska during the year 1907,

and the return trade for that year amounted to $19,500,000. The value of

the fishery products is five-sevenths as great as the output of the gold

mines. Alaskan coal-fields are estimated to be even richer than her gold

deposits. Other productions of the territory are silver, tin, lead,

quicksilver, graphite, marble, lumber, grains, vegetables, and fruits.

The purpose of the exposition was declared to be "to exploit the

resources and potentialities of the Alaskan and Yukon territories; to

make known and foster the vast importance of the trade of the Pacific

Ocean and of the countries bordering thereon, and to demonstrate the

marvellous progress of Western America." The energy and determination of

the men of the new Northwest was well shown in the preparation made for

the exposition. No financial assistance was asked from the federal

government. The necessary $10,000,000 were contributed almost entirely

in Seattle and the State of Washington. One million dollars were

expended by Seattle, as a preparatory step, on her municipal

improvements.

The Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition, Seattle.

The Palace of Fine Arts.

The site of the exposition was the campus of the State University,

between Lakes Washington and Union. From the grounds, notable for their

natural beauty, were visible in the distance Mount Rainier, the loftiest

peak in the United States, the snow-covered Olympics to the west, and

the Cascade range to the east.

Three permanent buildings were erected by the State of Washington with

the understanding that they were afterward to be used by the university.

Most of the structures followed the French Renaissance design. In the

forestry building, which was 320 feet long and 140 feet broad, and built

of logs in the rough, there were displayed the timber resources of

Alaska and the Northwest. An out-door farm illustrated the agricultural

resources of the region. The Japanese exhibit was second only in

interest to that of Alaska. The exposition served to demonstrate, as it

was intended to do, the possibilities for the investment of capital in

the Northwest and the opportunities for those seeking new homes.

The Hudson-Fulton Celebration.

The Clermont proceeding up the Hudson River under her own steam.

Beginning with September 25 and continuing throughout the first week of

October, there was a notable celebration in New York City, and in other

cities on the Hudson, commemorative of the discovery of that river by

Henry Hudson three centuries before and the trip up the river by Robert

Fulton's steamboat in 1807. The leading feature of the pageant was the

assembling in the harbor of the largest fleet of international character

ever brought together at one time, and the cruise up the Hudson as far

as Newburg of eighty war vessels selected from the navies of the United

States, Great Britain, Germany, France, and other powers. These huge

vessels were in striking contrast to the two small ones which were given

the place of honor in the pageant, the replicas of the Half  Moon and

the Clermont. The land parades were likewise spectacular in their

effects.

In October, 1909, Commander Robert E. Peary and Dr. Frederick A. Cook,

two American travellers, returned to the United States, both making

claims to having discovered the north pole. The accomplishment of this

task, which had baffled so many arctic explorers, was hailed as a

triumph throughout the civilized world. Ardent supporters of each of

these men began to champion the right of their favorite to the great

honor. It was shown that Commander Peary had for twenty-three years been

engaged in arctic exploration. His first voyage was made to Greenland in

1886, and in his numerous expeditions to the frozen north since that

time he had secured much scientific data relating to the glaciology,

geology, and ethnology of those regions.

Commander Peary's ship, The Roosevelt.

When Commander Peary left the Roosevelt, the ship which bore him as far

north as navigation permitted, on February 22, 1909, his expedition

consisted of 8 white men, 59 Eskimos, 140 dogs, and 23 sledges, with the

necessary equipment for arctic travel. Upon returning to the United

States after overcoming the many dangers incident to such exploration,

he submitted his records to the National Geographical Society. A

committee of that body, after passing upon these documents, declared

unanimously that it was their opinion that Peary had reached the north

pole, April 6, 1909. This report further commended him for his

organization and management of this expedition and for his contributions

to scientific knowledge.

Before his return to America, Dr. Cook had been hailed as the discoverer

of the north pole by European scientists, especially those of Denmark,

who accepted his story of the accomplishment of this task in April,

1908, one year earlier than the date of Peary's discovery. Many honors

were conferred upon him when he reached Copenhagen, September 4, 1909.

He was met by the Crown Prince of Denmark and the American minister, and

by explorers, professors, and scientists from various European

countries. He was greatly honored also upon his return to New York City.

Commander Robert E. Peary, and three

of his Eskimo dogs, on The Roosevelt.

Commander Peary declared that the claims made by Dr. Cook were without

foundation. His decision was based on the evidence given by two Eskimos

who had accompanied Dr. Cook, and who asserted that the party went only

a two days' journey north from Cape Hubbard and were never beyond the

land ice. Further evidence of deception by Dr. Cook was set forth by

Edward M. Barrill, who had accompanied him on his ascent of Mount

McKinley in 1906. This guide declared that Dr. Cook had not reached the

summit of that mountain as claimed, but that the records had been

falsified. Later, a commission was appointed by the University of

Copenhagen to examine the notes and memoranda submitted to them by Dr.

Cook. After a careful examination of these documents, the commission

reported that they found no evidence sufficient to warrant the belief

that Dr. Cook actually reached the north pole.

Photograph by Brown Bros., N.Y.

Dr. F. A. Cook on his arrival in

New York, September 21, 1909.

By vote of Congress, June 20, 1910, the territories of Arizona and New

Mexico were granted permission to form State constitutions. The

constitutions which were framed in their conventions and passed by

majorities of the people contained some unusual provisions. The Arizona

constitution included the initiative, referendum, and recall of all

elective officers, including judges. The New Mexico constitution

contains a referendum clause, but the clause providing for initiative

was rejected.

Copyright by Clinedinst, Washington.

President Taft signing the proclamation making

Arizona the forty-eighth State of the Union,

at the White House, February 14, 1912.

The constitution of Arizona was attacked in Congress and opposed by

President Taft on account of the provision for the recall of judges. The

chief objection to the constitution of New Mexico was the unsatisfactory

method provided for its amendment. This constitution, however, was

approved by President Taft and by the House of Representatives, but the

Senate failed to take any action. In August, 1911, the President vetoed

a joint resolution to admit the territories of New Mexico and Arizona as

States into the Union. He stated his attitude as follows: "The

resolution admits both territories to statehood with their constitutions

on condition that at the time of the election of State officers New

Mexico shall submit to its electors an amendment to its new constitution

altering and modifying its provisions for future amendments, and on the

further condition that Arizona shall submit to its electors at the time

of the election of its State officers a proposed amendment to its

constitution by which judicial officers shall be excepted from the

section permitting a recall of all elective officers. If I sign this

joint resolution, I do not see how I can escape responsibility for the

judicial recall of the Arizona constitution. The joint resolution admits

Arizona with the judicial recall, but requires the submission of the

question of its wisdom to the voters. In other words, the resolution

approves the admission of Arizona with the judicial recall, unless the

voters themselves repudiate it. . . . This provision of the Arizona

constitution in its application to county and State judges seems to me

pernicious in its effect, so destructive of independence in the

judiciary, so likely to subject the rights of the individual to the

possible tyranny of a popular majority, and therefore to be so injurious

to the cause of free government that I must disapprove a constitution

containing it."

Photograph, Copyright, by Clinedinst. Washington.

President Taft signing the proclamation making New Mexico a State,

January 6, 1912.

January 6, 1912, New Mexico, having complied with all conditions, was

formally admitted into the Union as the forty-seventh State.

Arizona, having an area of  113,000 square miles, was organized as a

territory in 1863 and appeared in the federal census reports for the

first time in 1870 with a population of 9,658. From 1870 to 1890 its

growth in population was rapid, increasing a little more than four times

during the decade 1870-1880 and doubling during the succeeding ten

years. The population in 1900 was 122,931 and in 1910 it was 204,354.

During the last decade, therefore, the increase in population has been

66.2 per cent, while the percentage of increase in the United States as

a whole has been only 21 per cent. According to the thirteenth census,

Arizona contained eight cities with an aggregate population of 58,414.

The largest cities were Tucson, with a population of 13,193, and Phoenix

with 11,134.

Arizona produces more copper than any other State in the Union. Of the

total copper ore mined in the United States (1909) 27.7 per cent was

from Arizona. There are also good mines of gold and silver. Coal-mining,

marble-quarrying, lumbering, raising cattle, sheep, and ostriches are

also important industries in Arizona. Through the efforts of the

Reclamation service in completing the Roosevelt Dam and a dam at Parker,

and by the use of pumps, it is estimated that 1,000,000 acres of fertile

land will become available for cultivation. Other large areas are also

susceptible of irrigation.

In 1850 the territory of New Mexico was organized and in 1863 it was

reduced to its present limits with an area of 122,000 square miles. The

population of New Mexico in 1900 was 195,310 and in 1910 was 327,301 an

increase of 67.6 per cent. Albuquerque, with a population of 11,020, and

Rosewell with 6,172 were the two largest cities. Like Arizona, New

Mexico possesses great wealth in mines and forests, but the foundation

for her future industrial progress lies in her farms. In 1910 New Mexico

possessed 500,000 acres of irrigated land. It was estimated that

3,000,000 acres more were amenable to artificial watering and the

government is expending millions of dollars on projects which will

fertilize vast areas of this land.

During the year 1911 the world was astounded at the unparalleled

exhibitions of the possibilities of the aeroplane. The dream of

centuries had been realized, and American genius was responsible for the

achievement. In 1896, a model machine which had been constructed under

the direction of Professor Langley, secretary of the Smithsonian

Institution, driven by a one horse-power steam-engine, made three

flights of a mile each near Washington. Congress appropriated $50,000

for the construction of a complete machine, but after two unsuccessful

attempts to fly, with an operator, the project was abandoned.

Wilbur Wright and his brother Orville, bicycle manufacturers of Dayton,

Ohio, did not share in the general ridicule which followed this failure,

and after three years of experimentation demonstrated that the

principles upon which Professor Langley had constructed his machine

were, in the main, sound. The first successful flight of a few seconds

by one of their machines weighing 750 pounds was made in 1903. Two years

afterward a flight of 24 miles was made at the rate of 38 miles an hour.

Other successful experiments followed, and the claim of the Wrights to

be considered the inventors of the first successful man-carrying flying

machine was established. French inventors at about the same time were

carrying on successful experiments with machines similarly constructed.

September 16, 1908, Wilbur Wright, at Le Mans, France, demonstrated that

his machine could remain in the air for over an hour and at the same

time fly across country at a high speed. In that year, also, Orville

Wright, in a government test at Fort Myer, Virginia, not only made

flights lasting over an hour, but carried a companion with him. During

July, 1909, a French aviator, Bleriot, flew across the English Channel,

a distance of 32 miles. That year, also, Orville Wright ascended to the

height of 1,600 feet; with a passenger, made a record flight of 1 hour,

12 minutes and 36 seconds; and flew across country with a companion for

10 miles at the rate of 42 miles an hour. Thus it was shown that a

machine had at last been constructed which would not only fly, but would

remain in the air at the will of its pilot and subject to his guidance.

From a photograph by H. H. Morris.

Charles K. Hamilton racing an automobile on the beach at Galveston, Texas.

Photograph by Brown Bros., N.Y.

Wilbur and Orville Wright, and the late King Edward of England.

[1911]

In the aviation meet at Los Angeles, January 10, 1910, Louis Paulhan, a

Frenchman, established the record of 4,000 feet for height and Glenn H.

Curtiss with a passenger set a new world's record of 55 miles.

Shortly afterward Curtiss demonstrated for the first time that it was

possible for an aeroplane, especially constructed, to rise from the

surface of water, make a flight in the air, return to the

starting-point, and again alight on the water.

The great possibilities as well as the dangers connected with aviation

were brought out in the meet at Chicago during August, 1911, where two

aviators lost their lives. C. P. Rodgers, in a Wright machine, remained

in the air twenty-six and one-half hours out of the possible thirty-one

and one-half hours. Lincoln Beachey set a new world's record by

ascending 11,642 feet. This record was again surpassed within a month by

Ronald G. Garros, a French aviator, who ascended 13,943 feet.

Wilbur Wright in his aeroplane at Pau, France, with King Alfonso of Spain.

Harry K. Atwood flew from St. Louis to Chicago in one day, a distance of

315 miles. He continued his flight to New York, and in eleven days

reached that city. He had travelled 1,265 miles in the actual flying

time of 28 hours. C. P. Rodgers eclipsed all records for long-distance

aeroplane flying by crossing the continent from Sheepshead Bay, New

York, to Pasadena, Cal., a distance of 4,231 miles. He accomplished this

feat in the total time of 49 days, September 17 to November 5, 1911. His

actual flying time was 82 hours.

Harry K. Atwood with Lieut. Fickle flying over Governor's Island, N. Y.,

after completing his flight from St. Louis to New York.

These flights served to demonstrate that the permanent triumphs of

aeronautics are to be won by steadiness and efficiency and not by

recklessness.

Among the significant legislation of the Sixty-second Congress, the

passing of the "publicity law," August, 1911, is deserving of especial

commendation. The Democratic platform, 1908, demanded publicity of

campaign contributions, and Mr. Bryan announced that no funds would be

received from corporations. According to a New York statute, all

campaign receipts and expenditures must be filed. The Republican

campaign committee agreed to apply this law in the presidential contest.

According to the federal Publicity law no candidate for member of the

House of Representatives may spend more than $5,000 in his campaign for

nomination or election, and no candidate for United States senator may

spend, legally, more than $10,000 in his campaign. Candidates are

prohibited from making promises of office or other promises in order to

obtain votes, and no candidate for senator may aid in the election of

members of the legislature that is to fill a senatorial vacancy. At the

time, two United States senators were under indictment for the purchase

of their seats, and one of them acknowledged that he had expended nearly

$100,000 in his primary campaign.

In partial fulfilment of the declaration that his policy was to bring

about legislation for the benefit of the whole country, President Taft

in his message to Congress, December, 1911, asked that the appointment

of local federal officers throughout the country should be placed under

the classified service. "I wish," he wrote, "to renew again my

recommendation that all the local officers throughout the country,

including collectors of internal revenue, collectors of customs,

postmasters of all four classes, immigration commissioners, and marshals

should be by law carried into the classified service, the necessity for

confirmation by the Senate be removed, and the President and the others,

whose time is now taken up in distributing this patronage, under the

custom that has prevailed since the beginning of the Government in

accordance with the recommendation of the senators and congressmen of

the majority party, should be relieved from this burden. I am confident

that such a change would greatly reduce the cost of administering the

government and that it would add greatly to its efficiency. It would

take away the power to use the patronage of the government for political

purposes."

President Taft took an advance position also in his advocacy of the

substitution of the appeal to reason for the appeal to force in the

settlement of all international difficulties. The treaties of

arbitration which were agreed upon during the summer of 1911 between

Secretary Knox and the representatives of Great Britain and France

illustrate the general type of treaty which the President hoped would be

negotiated with other nations. Heretofore, the treaties to which the

United States has been a party have accepted as suitable for arbitration

all questions save those which concerned "vital interests and national

honor." It was a great step forward, therefore, when the agreement was

reached between the powers that all disputes that are justiciable and

cannot be settled by diplomacy are to be submitted to arbitration.

In case of a difference on whether the dispute were justiciable or not,

it was to be submitted to a commission of inquiry for decision. If the

commission found it was justiciable the question in dispute must be

submitted to arbitration. Should the commission find it was not

justiciable there would still exist the possibility of war. But either

nation has the power to delay the findings a year during which time

diplomatic action may be resumed. The arguments against the ratification

of these facts in the Senate were based on the plea that they provided

for compulsory arbitration and thus tended to deprive the Senate of its

constitutional prerogative. The wording was so greatly modified in the

Senate that the form of treaty which was finally ratified differed but

little from the arbitration treaties of 1908.

CHAPTER XVI

THE THIRTEENTH CENSUS, 1910

[1910-1911]

After many years of urging on the part of statisticians and public men,

Congress, in 1902, passed a bill which was signed by the President

providing for a permanent census bureau connected with the Department of

Commerce and Labor. This bureau, as shown in the taking of the

thirteenth census, serves to promote both efficiency and economy in the

collection of statistics associated with the census work. Heretofore the

Director of the Census had enormous patronage at his disposal which he

farmed out among congressmen and other political leaders.

E. Dana Durand, a trained statistician of wide experience, was appointed

Director of the Census. He announced that so far as possible the 65,000

enumerators would be selected under civil service rules and for

supervisors of the census he selected men on the basis of their special

fitness for the work. President Taft was in complete agreement with this

programme and insisted that local enumerators were to be appointed for

the purpose of getting the work properly done and not to assist any

would-be dispensers of local patronage.

On April 15 the enumerators began their work of gathering statistics.

The usual inquiries were made on population, mortality, agriculture,

manufactures, etc. Prior to April 15, an advance schedule was sent to

practically every farmer in the country, and he was asked to fill it out

before the coming of the enumerator. Similarly, in the cities, the

enumerators distributed advance population schedules which the head of

the family was requested to fill out before the official visit of the

enumerator. In taking the thirteenth census, greater attention was given

than ever before to perfecting the schedules and weighing each question

with regard to its precise significance and scientific value. To that

end a group of trained investigators, familiar with the various topics

which the census would cover, spent several months on a preliminary

study of the character of these questions. In addition to the

nationality of each person as determined by the mother tongue of the

foreign-born inhabitants, additional inquiries were made relative to the

industry in which each person was employed and whether the person was

out of work on April 15.

Copyright by Clinedinst. Washington.

E. Dana Durand, Director of the Census.

Population schedules in the cities and large towns were required to be

completed within two weeks and in the rural districts within thirty

days. The enormous labor of tabulating and classifying these answers was

then begun by the 3,500 clerks in the Census Office at Washington. Much

of this labor was performed by machines each capable of making 25,000

tabulations a day. Results of the first tabulation of the population in

the cities were made known about June 1 and the count of the principal

cities was completed by April 15. During September the population of the

entire country was made known. Within two years the leading facts in the

census were compiled and published as special bulletins. The entire cost

of the census was about $13,000,000.

The total population of the United States, including our territorial

possessions and dependencies, was found to be about 101,000,000, thus

for the first time passing the hundred million mark. The population of

the United States proper was 91,972,266; of Alaska, 64,356; Porto Rico,

1,118,012; Hawaii, 191,909; Guam and Samoa, 15,100; the Philippine

Islands about 7,700,000. These numbers indicate an increase in the

population of continental United States of 21 per cent in the decade, or

a slightly larger growth than the 20.7 per cent made during the

preceding ten years.

One of the striking facts brought out in the census is the absolute

decline in the percentage of population compared with the previous

decade in a number of the States of the East, South, and Middle West,

and an increase of this percentage in the other States, especially among

those of the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific Coast. The percentage of

total increase of population in Alabama was 16.9 and the increase,

according to the twelfth census, was 20.8; in Illinois, 16.9 as against

26 for the preceding census; Indiana, 7.3 against 14.8; Kentucky, 6.6

against 15.5; Massachusetts, 20 against 25.3; Minnesota, 18.5 against

33.7; Texas, 27.8 against 36.4; Montana, 54.5 against 70. Iowa showed an

actual loss of three-tenths per cent of her inhabitants, while according

to the preceding census there was a gain of 16.7 per cent in that State.

In the following States the gains in percentages were as follows: North

Dakota, 80.8 against 67.1 for 1900; South Dakota, 45.4 and 15.2; Kansas,

15 and 3; Nebraska, 11.8 and 0.3; Colorado, 48 and 30.6; Oklahoma,

109.7; Utah, 34.9 and 31.3; Nevada, 93.4 and 10.6; Idaho, 101.3 and

82.7; Washington, 120.4 and 45; Oregon, 62.7 and 30.2, and California,

60.1 and 22.4.

In numerical advance, New York, Pennsylvania, California, Texas, and

Illinois led. The increase in New York was nearly 2,000,000, in

Pennsylvania over 1,000,000, and in the other three States nearly

900,000 each.

Another notable fact brought out by the thirteenth census was that the

growth of the cities was greater than during the preceding ten years.

The rate of growth of the medium-sized cities was more rapid than that

of the large cities. This was not the case during the preceding decade.

Of the total population of continental United States, 46.3 per cent were

urban. That is, 42,623,383 of the inhabitants resided in cities and

towns having a population of 2,500 or more. The same territory in 1900

and 1890, similarly classified as urban, contained 40.5 and 36.1 per

cent, respectively, of the total population of the country. In all but

two States, Montana and Wyoming, the urban population has increased

faster than the rural population. The increase, since 1900, in the

population living in urban territory was 11,035,841 or 34.9 per cent,

while the increase in population living in rural territory during the

same period was 4,941,850 or 11.1 per cent. For the United States as a

whole, therefore, the rate of increase for the population of urban areas

was three times that for the population living in rural territory. In

the States of the east north-central division, including Ohio, Indiana,

Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, the urban gain was 31.2 per cent, but

there was a decrease in rural population of 0.2 per cent. The urban

increase of Illinois was 31.2 per cent, but the rural territory of the

State showed a loss of 7.5 per cent. The rural loss in Indiana was 5.5

per cent, and in Ohio 1.3 per cent. Michigan's rural gain was 2 per cent

and Wisconsin's 5.7. per cent. There were fourteen States in which more

than one-half of the population in 1910 were living in urban territory.

Among these States were Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut

with nine-tenths of their population urban; Illinois with 62 per cent,

and Ohio with 56 per cent.

CENTER OF POPULATION AT EACH CENSUS 1790 TO 1910.

MEDIAN POINT 1880 TO 1910.

[Transcriber's Note: Location is within a few miles of latitude 39

degrees. The longitude is approximately: 1790, 76.2; 1800, 77.0; 1810,

77.6; 1820, 78.6; 1830, 79.3; 1840, 80.4; 1850, 81.3; 1860, 82.8; 1870

83.7; 1880, 84.7; 1890, 85.5; 1900, 85.8; 1910, 86.5 ]

The rapid growth of our industrial and manufacturing interests during

the past quarter of a century is shown by the fact that 22 per cent of

the people of the country are massed in cities of 100,000 inhabitants

and over. In the three largest cities alone--New York, Chicago, and

Philadelphia--there are almost one-tenth the population of the whole

country. There were five cities with populations between 500,000 and

1,000,000; eleven between 250,000 and 500,000; 31 between 100,000 and

250,000; 59 between 50,000 and 100,000; 120 between 25,000 and 50,000;

374 between 10,000 and 20,000; 629 between 5,000 and 10,000, and 1,173

between 2,500 and 5,000.

The thirteenth census revealed but slight change in the location of the

centre of population. In computing its position, no account of the

population of Alaska and of our insular possessions was taken into

consideration. It had moved west about 39 miles and northward

seven-tenths of a mile and was located at Bloomington in southern

Indiana. The westward movement from 1900 to 1910 was nearly three times

as great as from 1890 to 1900, but was less than that for any decade

between 1840 and 1890. This advance of the centre of population toward

the West was due to the increase in the population of the Pacific Coast

States. The large increase in the population of New York, Pennsylvania,

Illinois, and other States north of the thirty-ninth parallel served as

a balance to the increase in Texas, Oklahoma, and southern California.

During the past fifteen years there has been a steady migration from the

rural portions of the United States to the western provinces of Canada,

not less than 650,000 immigrants having crossed the border within that

period. Most of them have become naturalized Canadians. It has been

estimated that these immigrants took with them, on an average, $1,000.

According to the congressional reapportionment act following the twelfth

census, there were to be 386 members in the House of Representatives or

one representative to 194,182 of the population. The House of

Representatives actually contained 391 members after the admission of

Oklahoma. By the census of 1910, several States were entitled to

additional members, but in order that no State should be reduced in the

number of its representatives, the House of Representatives passed a

bill providing for an increase of 42 members. The new ratio of

representation would then be one representative to 211,877

inhabitants. Effort was made to prevent this increase, for it was argued

that the House had already become unwieldy, requiring great effort on

the part of members to make themselves heard. The bill failed to pass

the Senate at the regular session, but subsequently, at the special

session, it became a law. Party lines were closely drawn in the Senate,

for, on account of this increase, the Republicans would probably gain 32

new congressmen and the Democrats only 10. By this reapportionment the

northeastern part of the country and the extreme western and

southwestern portions gained in their representation. New York gained

six representatives; Pennsylvania, four; California and Oklahoma, three

each; Illinois, Massachusetts, Washington, and Texas each gained two,

and sixteen other States each gained one.

The number of farms, according to the thirteenth census, were 6,340,357

or an increase of about 10 per cent over the number reported in 1900.

There was an increase of 63,000,000 acres devoted to farming during the

decade. About 60 per cent of the farms of the country were operated by

their owners and two-thirds of these farms were free from mortgages. Two

million three hundred and forty-nine thousand two hundred and fifty-four

farms were worked by tenants and 57,398 were in charge of managers. The

tenant system was shown to be far more common in the South than at the

North or West. In the south central group of States, which includes a

large part of the cotton area, the tenants numbered 1,024,265 and the

owners 949,036. In the south Atlantic States there were 591,478 owners

and 118,678 tenants; in north Central States, 1,563,386 owners and

644,493 tenants, and in the Western States, 309,057 owners and 52,164

tenants.

Our foreign commerce for the year 1910 amounted in the aggregate to

about $3,500,000,000, or over $1,250,000,000 more than in 1900. Our

exports were valued at $2,000,000,000.

CHAPTER XVII

THE PROGRESSIVE MOVEMENT

[1911]

From time to time it has been charged that "government by the people"

has become fiction in our country. Little had been done to remedy this

condition until the opening of the last decade. Trouble then came for

the supporters of the regular political order, manifesting itself in

conventions and legislatures. Laws abolishing nominations by the

convention method were passed in some States; and publicity of campaign

expenses was insisted upon in others. The movement was widespread and

arose from various causes, but generally tended toward a single end--a

government according to popular will. The Western States have been the

centre of the more radical movement.

The Senate has always been considered as the stronghold of the most

conservative element in our country and has often been accused of being

the stronghold of privilege. It is interesting to note the success of

the progressive or insurgent movement in this body.

Copyright by Harris & Ewing,

Washington.

Robert M. La Follette.

The first progressive, Robert M. La Follette, of Wisconsin, appeared in

the United States Senate in 1905. He had done much, as governor, to gain

the confidence of the people of his own State, and he was sent to

Washington to carry his fight for reform into the national legislature.

Here his reception was not cordial. He was looked upon as a radical,

possibly a visionary reformer, but not exceedingly dangerous, for he was

alone. He stood alone until the election of 1908, when nine more

progressives took their seats; in 1910 the number jumped to sixteen.

Here a change came which probably caused the conservatives in the Senate

some worry. The tariff of 1909 had been passed by a Republican Congress.

The results of the elections of 1910 made it appear that the people were

not convinced that this act was an honest redemption of the Republican

campaign promises, for in the Senate which assembled in April, 1911,

there were twenty-nine thorough-going progressives and five other

members who were more progressive than conservative in their views. They

represented twenty-five States. Six of the thirty-four came from the

South; three came from the East, and the remaining twenty-five from the

West. Of the conservatives only eighteen came from the West.

The same changes may be found in the House of Representatives. These

changes are not so important as the change which must come in the

sentiment of the federal judiciary. From 1901 to 1909 the Executive was

in the control of the progressives and the President was able to get

some important laws passed by a reactionary Congress, but in some

instances the courts annulled these laws.

The appointment of justices of the district courts of the United States

is to a degree influenced by the senators in the district in which the

appointment is to be made. When these senators are conservative it is

natural that the candidates recommended by them should be conservative

and should entertain no legal theories interfering with the exalted

position of property rights. Should the various States be represented by

progressives, different recommendations will naturally follow and

probably an interpretation of the Constitution which will accord a new

standing to personal rights.

In the early part of 1911 the movement crystallized into a regular

political organization which called itself The National Progressive

Republican League, with the following platform:

(1) direct primaries; (2) popular election of delegates to the national

convention; (3) election of senators by direct vote of the people; (4)

initiative, referendum, and recall; (5) an effective corrupt practices

act.

These points were not new; most of them are incorporated into the body

of law of the State of Oregon. Most progressive Democrats as well as

Republicans seem willing to support these principles. In almost every

State the movement for the direct primaries has met studied opposition.

The "practical politician" or the professional politician seems to hate

to see the old convention system of nominations go. There are many who

object to the election of senators by direct vote, claiming that the

people are not capable of choosing wisely in such cases. The direct

election of delegates to the national conventions is no more than the

prerogative now exercised by the voter when he casts his vote for the

presidential electors. To his mind it means that he is voting for the

candidates themselves. In the vote for delegates to the conventions the

voter is accorded the right to express his preference for men to be

candidates. The corrupt practices plank deserves commendation. It cannot

be made too strong, for every attempt to do away with the irregular,

vicious methods used is a step toward good government.

The plank which arouses the greatest opposition is that which

incorporates the initiative, referendum, and recall. All three are

devices to make the machinery of popular government more directly

respondent to the popular will. The "initiative" is a process by which

laws are proposed on the petition of a certain specified number of

voters for action either by the legislature or by the direct vote of the

people through a referendum. The "referendum" allows a popular vote upon

acts passed by the legislature--that is, a bill passed by the

legislature may not become a law unless sanctioned by a popular vote, if

a vote is called for by a specified number of voters. The "recall" gives

the voters an opportunity to relieve a man of his office if by a regular

vote it is demonstrated that such an officer has not performed the

duties of his office to the satisfaction of his constituents. These

expedients are still in the experimental stage, and it is doubtful

whether they are so fraught with danger as their opponents seem to

believe or so efficacious as their adherents insist. Much of their

success depends upon the cases to which they are applied and upon the

popular interest displayed. The Oregon experiments apparently have been

very successful.

The question of the "recall" is a serious one. In some

municipalities--Los Angeles, for example--it has operated well. How it

will work in the national government, where it will affect the

judiciary, is a problem. The veto of the Statehood Bill (Arizona and New

Mexico) on account of the presence of the "recall" for judges in the

constitution of Arizona shows that President Taft is a stout opponent.

It seems well that any such step should be taken with extreme caution.

The progressive senators were active in their opposition to the

Payne-Aldrich Tariff Bill of 1909. For a period of twelve years there

had been no tariff legislation. The great industrial changes which went

on during that time made a revision of the Dingley Tariff imperative.

Although there has been a constant demand for revision, the tariff

played no part in the campaigns of 1900 and 1904. The demand has become

insistent, however, during recent years, and may be attributed in part

to the increased cost of living. This demand, made chiefly by the

wage-earners and salaried men, has been seconded from another quarter.

The attitude of foreign nations toward our goods has made it

increasingly difficult for American manufacturers to dispose of their

surplus. Wages have risen; the price of raw material is higher, and both

affect the manufacturer. Foreign nations have refused to accept our high

tariffs without retaliation, and this has made the manufacturer insist

that Congress revise the objectionable Dingley act.

The agitation took definite form during the session of 1907-8 when the

National Manufacturers' Association undertook to secure legislation

designed to create a tariff commission composed of experts whose

business it should be to ascertain the facts concerning the condition of

manufacturers and the necessity of a new tariff. Pursuant to this the

Beveridge Tariff Commission Bill was introduced into the Senate, but the

leaders of both houses--Cannon, Aldrich, Payne, and others--said bluntly

that it was bad politics to take the question up just before a

presidential campaign, and nothing was done. The demand grew more

insistent, and the wary leaders learned in time that it would be good

politics at least to declare for tariff revision, and this was done by

Chairman Payne of the Ways and Means committee of the House. Just when

the revision would come was not stated--some time after election,

provided the nation would return the Republicans to power.

Copyright by Clinedinst. Washington.

Albert J. Beveridge. Senator from Indiana.

When the session closed Chairman Payne set on foot a series of

investigations ostensibly to gain information to be used in the coming

revision. It is possible that this was also an attempt to end the

criticism aimed at the leaders who had opposed the appointment of a

commission. Both the Democratic and Republican platforms of 1908

promised tariff revision, but of course in different ways. The

Republican leaders said the policy of the party would be to fix the

duties at a point which would not only offset the higher cost of

production in this country, but would also guarantee to the

manufacturers a fair profit. The election put the conservatives of the

Republican party in control of all branches of the government, and when

the principal committees of both houses of Congress fell under the

control of men fully committed to the dogma of protection, the chance

for a revision downward seemed slight. A special session was called soon

after President Taft's inauguration, and the Payne Bill, which it was

claimed aimed to decrease duties and increase the revenue, passed the

House by a vote of 217 to 161.

The Finance Committee of the Senate, to which the bill was referred when

it reached the Senate, instead of reporting it, reported a substitute

measure--the Aldrich Bill. This the House refused to accept and the

usual conference committee was organized, out of which committee came

the compromise Payne-Aldrich Bill, destined to become law through the

President's signature, August 5, 1909.

The debate in the Senate was a noteworthy one. The progressive senators

of the Middle West, led by Dolliver, of Iowa, and La Follette, of

Wisconsin, fought the measure sturdily, but with little success.

"Jokers" slipped in here and there, and more than one critic has charged

that the Senate was less solicitous for the rights of the consumers than

for the rights of the "interests."

Several schedules have come in for the most severe kind of criticism. In

the cotton schedule the increased rates laid upon certain classes of

cotton goods seem to have been imposed for the benefit of New England

manufacturers. These rates affect articles used by every person in the

United States. Most of these articles are manufactured from raw material

produced in America, and the cost of manufacturing the staple articles

is but slightly higher than in any of the important competing countries.

The average rate imposed by the Dingley Tariff, according to the Bureau

of Statistics, was 38 per cent on cotton cloth and similar rates on

other cotton goods. Since 1897 the "infant industries" have grown, and

some have in recent years declared dividends of 66 per cent per annum.

The Payne-Aldrich Bill increased the average rate on cotton goods from

44.84 per cent in the Dingley Tariff to 50.62 per cent. The increases

are not so much on the high-priced goods as on the cheaper grades.

In the case of the wool schedule the object of criticism has been the

discrimination against the carded woollen industry, which produces the

poor man's cloth, in favor of the worsted industry. This is due to the

imposition of a uniform duty of eleven cents per pound on raw, unwashed

wool, by which the cheaper woollens are taxed as high as 500 per cent,

and frequently amounts to less than 25 per cent on the finer grades.

Based on this system of duties is a graded scale in which the rates rise

in an inverse ratio with the value of the goods. Some duties have been

lowered, but the change has been slight. The schedule remains nearly the

same, but the burden has been shifted.

Photograph by Clinedinst, Washington.

Senator Nelson W. Aldrich.

There are reductions--more, numerically, than increases--but the

reductions are effectively modified by shifted classifications.

One thinker of note has termed the "maximum and minimum" clause as "the

highest practical joke of the whole bill." Little has been said of this

clause except in connection with the "minimum." It must be remembered

that there is also a "maximum," and it does not augur well for the

consumer. Suppose a foreign nation discriminates against our goods; we,

acting on the "maximum" theory, discriminate against theirs, and the

result is that the consumer pays the value of the article plus the

amount of the tariff of discrimination, since it has ever been true that

the limit in price is the top of the tariff wall.

A noteworthy feature of the bill is the provision for the formation of a

Tariff Board, composed of experts, who shall conduct investigations with

the view of evolving a scientific tariff. The board has little power

save that of advising the President in the application of the "maximum

and minimum" clause.

That the tariff has not been deemed an honest redemption of Republican

campaign pledges is shown by the recent elections. In the Sixty-first

Congress there were 219 Republicans in the House of Representatives and

172 Democrats; to the Sixty-second Congress there were returned 162

Republicans and 228 Democrats.

The Democrats at once began a revision of the tariff. Allied with the

progressives in the Senate, revisions of the wool and cotton schedules

were brought about. The Farmers' Free List Bill, which admitted free of

duty agricultural implements, sewing-machines, boots, shoes, fence wire,

and other things useful to farmers, was passed as an offset to the

Reciprocity Bill which was deemed by some to be disadvantageous to them.

The President vetoed all of these measures upon the ground that, since

the Tariff Board was to make its report within a very short time, it

would be wiser to defer action on the tariff until the report could be

used.

The Reciprocity Bill, which met the approval of the President, provided

that our markets should be free to Canada's leading agricultural

products, live-stock, fish, lumber, etc. Print paper and wood pulp were

also to be admitted as soon as the Canadian provincial governments

should withdraw the restrictions upon the exportation of these products.

The duties on some other products--iron ore, for example--were to be

reduced. Canada was asked to admit free our agricultural products,

live-stock, etc., and to reduce the duties on coal, agricultural

implements, and some other manufactured goods. The September elections

in Canada, however, showed that the reciprocity treaty was not

acceptable, for the Conservative party, which was strongly opposed to

the plan, gained a decisive victory. The act as passed by Congress still

remains law in the United States, and stands as a constant invitation to

our Canadian neighbors to join us in developing commercial relations on

the western continent.

What effect will this Progressive movement have upon party organization?

As matters stand at present there are in reality four parties within the

bonds of the two old parties--(1) the Conservative Republicans of the

East; (2) the Conservative Democrats of the South; (3) the Progressive

Republicans of the West; (4) the Progressive Democrats of the West. Out

of this tangle it appears that either a new party will be formed by the

combination of the Progressives of both old parties, or this Progressive

movement must gain control of one or the other of these parties. Should

the former  happen, we may see the peculiar alliance of New England and

the South.

President Taft, it is maintained by many of his supporters, is himself a

Progressive, and they point to his attitude toward the great questions

of the hour. He urged, they say, reciprocity with Canada; called for

revision of the tariff in the light of facts and scientific tests;

proclaimed unlimited arbitration; advocated the conservation of our

natural resources, income taxation, extension of civil service reform,

employers' liability, and economy in the administration of governmental

affairs.

In answer it is asserted that President Taft declared the Payne-Aldrich

tariff law to be the best ever passed upon the subject, and that his

advisers and supporters in all of the congressional contests over vital

measures were the senators and representatives known as reactionaries or

standpatters.

[1912]

President Taft himself, a few months before the convening of the

Republican convention called to meet in Chicago, June 16, 1912, stated

his honesty of intention in the following words: "I am very grateful for

the honors the people have given me. I do not affect to deny the

satisfaction I should feel if, after casting up the totals pro and con

and striking a balance, they should decide that my first term had been

fruitful enough of good to warrant their enlisting me for another. Any

man would be proud of such a verdict. But I have not been willing, nor

shall I be, to purchase it at the sacrifice of my freedom to do my duty

as I see it. My happiness is not dependent on holding any office, and I

shall go back to private life with no heartburnings if the people,

after an unprejudiced review of my administration, conclude that some

one else can serve them to their greater advantage."

One thing is certain: the idea of government by the people has come into

our national politics to stay. It now controls one-third of the votes in

the Senate and has affected the laws of two-thirds of the States. The

end sought is good government responsible to popular rule. Through this

rule justice for all is sought; equality of opportunity in political and

industrial life; the safeguarding of the interests and well-being of

all; and through this rule an honest attempt is being made to establish

a government which will render the best service for the community,

guaranteeing to each individual all his rights, but no more than his

rights.

APPENDIX

I

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect

union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the

common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of

liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this

CONSTITUTION for the United States of America.

ARTICLE I

SECTION 1. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a

Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a

House of Representatives.

SECT. II. 1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members

chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the

electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for

electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature.

2. No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to

the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the

United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that

State in which he shall be chosen.

3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the

several States which may be included within this Union, according to

their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the

whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a

term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all

other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years

after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within

every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law

direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every

thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least one representative;

and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire

shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and

Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey

four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten,

North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three.

4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the

Executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such

vacancies.

5. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other

officers; and shall have the sole power of impeachment.

SECT. III. 1. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two

Senators from each State, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six

years; and each Senator shall have one vote.

2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first

election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes.

The seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the

expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of

the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth

year, so that one third may be chosen every second year; and if

vacancies happen by resignation or otherwise, during the recess of the

legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary

appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, which shall then

fill such vacancies.

3. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the age

of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and

who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he

shall be chosen.

4. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the

Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided.

5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President

pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall

exercise the office of President of the United States.

6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When

sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the

President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall

preside: and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two

thirds of the members present.

7. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to

removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office

of honor, trust or profit under the United States: but the party

convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial,

judgment and punishment, according to law.

SECT. IV. 1. The times, places and manner of holding elections for

Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the

legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law make or

alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing Senators.

2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such

meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by

law appoint a different day.

SECT. V. 1. Each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns and

qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall

constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn

from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of

absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties, as each house

may provide.

2. Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its

members for disorderly behavior, and with the concurrence of two thirds,

expel a member.

3. Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to

time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment

require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the members of either house on

any question shall, at the desire of one fifth of those present, be

entered on the journal.

4. Neither house, during the session of Congress, shall, without the

consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other

place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting.

SECT. VI. 1. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a

compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law and paid out

of the treasury of the United States. They shall, in all cases except

treason, felony and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest

during their attendance at the session of their respective houses, and

in going to and returning from the same; and for any speech or debate in

either house, they shall not be questioned in any other place.

2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was

elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the

United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof

shall have been increased, during such time; and no person holding any

office under the United States shall be a member of either house during

his continuance in office.

SECT. VII. 1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House

of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments

as on other bills.

2. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and

the Senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President

of the United States; if he approve he shall sign, it, but if not he

shall return it with his objections to that house in which it shall have

originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal,

and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration two thirds

of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together

with the objections, to the other house, by which it shall likewise be

reconsidered, and, if approved by two thirds of that house, It shall

become a law. But in all such cases the votes of  both houses shall be

determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and

against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each house

respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President within

ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him,

the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless

the Congress by their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it

shall not be a law.

3. Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of the

Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a

question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the

United States; and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved

by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of

the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the rules and

limitations prescribed in the case of a bill.

SECT. VIII. The Congress shall have power

1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the

debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the

United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform

throughout the United States;

2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States;

3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several

States, and with the Indian tribes;

4. To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on

the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States;

5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and

fix the standard of weights and measures;

6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and

current coin of the United States;

7. To establish post offices and post roads;

8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts by securing for

limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their

respective writings and discoveries;

9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court;

10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high

seas and offences against the law of nations;

11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules

concerning captures on land and water;

12. To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that

use shall be for a longer term than two years;

13. To provide and maintain a navy;

14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and

naval forces;

15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the

Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions;

16. To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia, and

for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the

United States, reserving to the States respectively the appointment of

the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the

discipline prescribed by Congress;

17. To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such

district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of

particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of

government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all

places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State, in

which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals,

dockyards, and other needful buildings;

--and

18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying

into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this

Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any

department or office thereof.

SECT. IX. 1. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the

States now existing shall think proper to admit shall not be prohibited

by the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight;

but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten

dollars for each person.

2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended,

unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may

require it.

3. No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed.

4. No capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in

proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be

taken.

5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State.

6. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue

to the ports of one State over those of another: nor shall vessels bound

to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in

another.

7. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of

appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the

receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from

time to time.

8. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States: and no

person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without

the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office,

or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state.

SECT. X. 1. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or

confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit

bills of credit; make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in

payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law

impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility.

2. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts

or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary

for executing its inspection laws: and the net produce of all duties and

imposts, laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use

of the treasury of the United States; and all such laws shall be subject

to the revision and control of the Congress.

3. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of

tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any

agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or

engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as

will not admit of delay.

ARTICLE II

SECTION 1. 1. The executive power shall be vested in a President of the

United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of

four years, and together with the Vice-President, chosen for the same

term, be elected as follows:

2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof

may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of Senators

and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress;

but no Senator or Representative, or person holding an office of trust

or profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector.

[The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot

for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the

same State with themselves. And they shall make a list of all the

persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each; which list they

shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of government of

the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The

President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House

of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then

be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes shall be the

President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors

appointed; and if there be more than one who have such majority, and

have an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall

immediately choose by ballot one of them for President; and if no person

have a majority, then from the five highest on the list the said house

shall in like manner choose the President. But in choosing the President

the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State

having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or

members from two thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States

shall be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the choice of the

President, the person having the greatest number of votes of the

electors shall be the Vice-President. But if there should remain two or

more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them by ballot

the Vice-President.]

3. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the

day on which they shall give their votes; which day shall be the same

throughout the United States.

4. No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United

States, at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be

eligible to the office of President; neither shall any person be

eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of

thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the United

States.

5. In case of the removal of the President from office or of his death,

resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said

office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President, and the Congress

may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or

inability, both of the President and Vice-President, declaring what

officer shall then act as President, and such officer shall act

accordingly, until the disability be removed, or a President shall be

elected.

6. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services, a

compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the

period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive

within that period any other emolument from the United States, or any of

them.

7. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the

following oath or affirmation:--"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I

will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States,

and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the

Constitution of the United States."

SECT. II. 1. The President shall be commander in chief of the army and

navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several states,

when called into the actual service of the United States; he may require

the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of the

executive departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their

respective offices, and he shall have power to grant reprieves and

pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases of

impeachment.

2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the

Senate, to make treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present

concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of

the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and

consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the

United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for,

and which be established by law: but the Congress may by law vest the

appointment of such inferior officers, as they think proper, in the

President alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments.

3. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may

happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which

shall expire at the end of their next session.

SECT. III. He shall from time to time give to the Congress information

of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such

measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on

extraordinary occasions, convene both houses, or either of them, and in

case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of

adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper;

he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers; he shall take

care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the

officers of the United States. \

SECT. IV. The President, Vice-President and all civil officers of the

United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and

conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors.

ARTICLE III

SECTION I. The judicial power of the United States, shall be vested in

one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as Congress may from time

to time ordain and establish. The judges, both of the Supreme and

inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior, and

shall, at stated times, receive for their services, a compensation,

which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office.

SECT. II. 1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and

equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States,

and treaties made or which shall be made, under their authority;--to all

cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls;--to

all cases of admiralty jurisdiction;--to controversies to which the

United States shall be a party;--to controversies between two or more

States;--between a State and citizens of another State;--between

citizens of different States;--between citizens of the same State

claiming lands under grants of different States, and between a State, or

the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens or subjects.

2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and

consuls, and those in which a State shall be a party, the Supreme Court

shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before

mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as

to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations as the

Congress shall make.

3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by

jury; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes

shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the

trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have

directed.

SECT. III. 1. Treason against the United States shall consist only in

levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them

aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the

testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in

open court.

2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason,

but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or

forfeiture except during the life of the person attainted.

ARTICLE IV

SECTION I. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the

public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And

the Congress may by general laws prescribe the manner in which such

acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof.

SECT. II. 1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all

privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States.

2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime,

who shall flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall on

demand of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be

delivered up, to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the

crime.

3. No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws

thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or

regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall

be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may

be due.

SECT. III. 1. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this

Union; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the

jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the junction

of two or more States, or parts of States, without the Consent of the

legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress.

2. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful

rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property

belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall

be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of

any particular State.

SECT. IV. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union

a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against

invasion; and on application of the legislature, or of the executive

(when the legislature cannot be convened) against domestic violence.

ARTICLE V

The Congress, whenever two thirds of both houses shall deem it

necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the

application of the legislatures of two thirds of the several States,

shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case

shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this

Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the

several States, or by conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one

or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress;

provided that no amendments which may be made prior to the year one

thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner affect the first

and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and that

no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage

in the Senate.

ARTICLE VI

I. All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the

adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United

States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation.

2. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be

made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be

made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law

of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby,

anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary

notwithstanding.

3. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the members of

the several State legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers,

both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by

oath or affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious test

shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust

under the United States.

ARTICLE VII

The ratification of the conventions of nine States, shall be sufficient

for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so

ratifying the same.

Done in Convention by the unanimous consent of the States present, the

seventeenth day of September in the year of our Lord one thousand seven

hundred and eighty-seven and of the Independence of the United States of

America the twelfth. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our

names.

[Signed by]

GO. WASHINGTON,

Presidt and Deputy from Virginia.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.

John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman.

MASSACHUSETTS.

Nathaniel Gorham, Rufus King.

CONNECTICUT.

Wm. Saml. Johnson, Roger Sherman.

NEW YORK.

Alexander Hamilton.

NEW JERSEY.

Wil: Livingston, David Brearley, Wm: Paterson, Jona: Dayton.

PENNSYLVANIA.

B Franklin, Thomas Mifflin, Robt. Morris, Geo. Clymer,

Tho. Fitz Simons, Jared Ingersoll, James Wilson, Gouv Morris.

DELAWARE.

Geo: Read, Gunning Bedford, Jun, John Dickinson,

Richard Bassett, Jaco: Broom.

MARYLAND.

James McHenry, Dan of St. Thos. Jenifer, Danl Carroll.

VIRGINIA.

John Blair, James Madison, Jr.

NORTH CAROLINA.

Wm. Blount, Richd. Dobbs Spaight, Hu Williamson.

SOUTH CAROLINA.

J. Rutledge, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney,

Charles Pinckney, Pierce Butler.

GEORGIA.

William Few, Abr Baldwin.

Attest:

William Jackson, Secretary.

ARTICLES IN ADDITION TO AND AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION

OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, PROPOSED BY CONGRESS, AND

RATIFIED BY THE LEGISLATURES OF THE SEVERAL STATES, PURSUANT

TO THE FIFTH ARTICLE OF THE ORIGINAL CONSTITUTION.

ARTICLE I.--Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of

religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the

freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably

to assemble and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.

ARTICLE II.--A well-regulated militia, being necessary to the security

of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall

not be infringed.

ARTICLE III.--No soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any

house without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a

manner to be prescribed by law.

ARTICLE IV.--The right of the people to be secure in their persons,

houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures,

shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue but upon probable

cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the

place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.

ARTICLE V.--No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or

otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a

grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in

the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger; nor

shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in

jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to

be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or

property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be

taken for public use without just compensation.

ARTICLE VI.--In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the

right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State

and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district

shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the

nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses

against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his

favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.

ARTICLE VII.--In suits at common law, where the value in controversy

shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be

preserved, and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise reexamined in

any court of the United States, than according to the rules of the

common law.

ARTICLE VIII.--Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive

fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.

ARTICLE IX.--The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights,

shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the

people.

ARTICLE X.--The powers not delegated to the United States by the

Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the

States respectively, or to the people.

ARTICLE XI.--The judicial power of the United States shall not be

construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or

prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens of another

State, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign State.

ARTICLE XII.--Section 1. The electors shall meet in their respective

States, and vote by ballot for President and Vice-President, one of

whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with

themselves; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as

President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as

Vice-President, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted

for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of

the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify,

and transmit sealed to the seat of government of the United States,

directed to the President of the Senate;--the President of the Senate

shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open

all the certificates and the votes shall then be counted;--the person

having the greatest number of votes for President shall be the

President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors

appointed; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons

having the highest numbers not exceeding three on the list of those

voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose

immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President,

the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State

having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or

members from two thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States

shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives

shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice shall devolve

upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the

Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other

constitutional disability of the President.

Section 2. The person having the greatest number of votes as

Vice-President, shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a

majority of the whole number of electors appointed, and if no person

have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list, the

Senate shall choose the Vice-President; a quorum for the purpose shall

consist of two thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of

the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person

constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible

to that of Vice-President of the United States.

ARTICLE XIII.--Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude,

except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly

convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to

their jurisdiction.

Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by

appropriate legislation.

ARTICLE XIV.--Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United

States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the

United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make

or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of

citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of

life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any

person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.

Section 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States

according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of

persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right

to vote at any election for the choice of Electors for President and

Vice-President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the

executive and judicial officers of a State, or the members of the

legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such

State, being twenty-one years of age and citizens of the United States,

or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other

crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the

proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the

whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State.

Section 3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress,

or Elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or

military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having

previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of

the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an

executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution

of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion

against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But

Congress may by a vote of two thirds of each house, remove such

disability.

Section 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States,

authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and

bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall

not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall

assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or

rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or

emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations, and claims

shall be held illegal and void.

Section 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce by appropriate

legislation the provisions of this article.

ARTICLE XV.--Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to

vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or any State

on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.

Section 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by

appropriate legislation.

II

ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION

Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union between the States of New

Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations,

Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland,

Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia.

ARTICLE 1.--The style of this Confederacy shall be, "The United States

of America."

ART. II.--Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence,

and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this

Confederation expressly delegated to the United States in Congress

assembled.

ART. III.--The said States hereby severally enter into a firm league of

friendship with each other, for their common defense, the security of

their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding

themselves to assist each other against all force offered to, or attacks

made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty,

trade, or any other pretense whatever.

ART. IV.--The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and

intercourse among the people of the different States in this Union, the

free inhabitants of each of these States, paupers, vagabonds, and

fugitives from justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and

immunities of free citizens in the several States; and the people of

each State shall have free ingress and egress to and from any other

State, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce

subject to the same duties, impositions, and restrictions as the

inhabitants thereof respectively; provided that such restrictions shall

not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property imported into

any State to any other State of which the Owner is an inhabitant;

provided also, that no imposition, duties, or restriction shall be laid

by any State on the property of the United States or either of them. If

any person guilty of, or charged with, treason, felony, or other high

misdemeanor in any State shall flee from justice and be found in any of

the United States, he shall, upon demand of the governor or executive

power of the States from which he fled, be delivered up and removed to

the State having jurisdiction of his offense. Full faith and credit

shall be given in each of these States to the records, acts, and

judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other State.

ART. V.--For the more convenient management of the general interests of

the United States, delegates shall be annually appointed in such manner

as the Legislature of each State shall direct, to meet in Congress on

the first Monday in November in every year with a power reserved to each

State to recall its delegates, or any of them, at any time within the

year, and to send others in their stead for the remainder of the year.

No State shall be represented in Congress by less than two, nor by more

than seven members; and no person shall be capable of being a delegate

for more than three years in any term of six years; nor shall any

person, being a delegate, be capable of holding any office under the

United States for which he, or another for his benefit, receives any

salary, fees, or emolument of any kind. Each State shall maintain its

own delegates in any meeting of the States and while they act as members

of the Committee of the States. In determining questions in the United

States in Congress assembled, each State shall have one vote. Freedom of

speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned in

any court or place out of Congress; and the members of Congress shall be

protected in their persons from arrest and imprisonment during the time

of their going to and from, and attendance on, Congress, except for

treason, felony, or breach of the peace.

ART. VI.--No State, without the consent of the United States, in

Congress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any embassy

from, or enter into any conference, agreement, alliance, or treaty with

any king, prince, or state; nor shall any person holding any office of

profit or trust under the United States, or any of them, accept of any

present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever from any king,

prince, or foreign state; nor shall the United States, in Congress

assembled, or any of them, grant any title of nobility.

No two or more States shall enter into any treaty, confederation, or

alliance whatever between them, without the consent of the United

States, in Congress assembled, specifying accurately the purposes for

which the same is to be entered into, and how long it shall continue.

No State shall lay any imposts or duties which may interfere with any

stipulations in treaties entered into by the United States, in Congress

assembled, with any king, prince, or state, in pursuance of any treaties

already proposed by Congress to the courts of France and Spain.

No vessels of war shall be kept up in time of peace by any State, except

such number only as shall be deemed necessary by the United States, in

Congress assembled, for the defense of such State or its trade, nor

shall any body of forces be kept up by any State in time of peace,

except such number only as, in the judgment of the United States, in

Congress assembled, shall be deemed requisite to garrison the forts

necessary for the defense of such State; but every State shall always

keep up a well-regulated and disciplined militia, sufficiently armed and

accoutered, and shall provide and constantly have ready for use in

public stores a due number of field-pieces and tents, and a proper

quantity of arms, ammunition, and camp equipage.

No State shall engage in any war without the consent of the United

States, in Congress assembled, unless such State be actually invaded by

enemies, or shall have received certain advice of a resolution being

formed by some nation of Indians to invade such State, and the danger is

so imminent as not to admit of a delay till the United States, in

Congress assembled, can be consulted; nor shall any State grant

commissions to any ships or vessels of war, nor letters of marque or

reprisal, except it be after a declaration of war by the United States,

in Congress assembled, and then only against the kingdom or state, and

the subjects thereof, against which war has been so declared, and under

such regulations as shall be established by the United States, in

Congress assembled, unless such State be infested by pirates, in which

case vessels of war may be fitted out for that occasion, and kept so

long as the danger shall continue, or until the United States, in

Congress assembled, shall determine otherwise.

ART. VII.--When land forces are raised by any State for the common

defense, all officers of or under the rank of Colonel shall be appointed

by the Legislature of each State respectively by whom such forces shall

be raised, or in such manner as such State shall direct, and all

vacancies shall be filled up by the State which first made the

appointment.

ART. VIII.--All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be

incurred for the common defense, or general welfare, and allowed by the

United States, in Congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common

treasury, which shall be supplied by the several States in proportion to

the value of all land within each State, granted to, or surveyed for,

any person, as such land and the buildings and improvements thereon

shall be estimated, according to such mode as the United States, in

Congress assembled, shall, from time to time, direct and appoint. The

taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and levied by the

authority and direction of the Legislatures of the several States,

within the time agreed upon by the United States, in Congress assembled.

ART. IX.--The United States, in Congress assembled, shall have the sole

and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war, except in

the cases mentioned in the sixth Article; of sending and receiving

ambassadors; entering into treaties and alliances, provided that no

treaty of commerce shall be made, whereby the legislative power of the

respective States shall be restrained from imposing such imposts and

duties on foreigners as their own people are subjected to, or from

prohibiting the exportation or importation of any species of goods or

commodities whatever; of establishing rules for deciding, in all cases,

what captures on land and water shall be legal, and in what manner

prizes taken by land or naval forces in the service of the United States

shall be divided or appropriated; of granting letters of marque and

reprisal in times of peace; appointing courts for the trial of piracies

and felonies committed on the high seas; and establishing courts for

receiving and determining finally appeals in all cases of captures;

provided that no member of Congress shall be appointed a judge of any of

the said courts.

The United States, in Congress assembled, shall also be the last resort

on appeal in all disputes and differences now subsisting, or that

hereafter may arise between two or more States concerning boundary,

jurisdiction, or any other cause whatever; which authority shall always

be exercised in the manner following: Whenever the legislative or

executive authority, or lawful agent of any State in controversy with

another, shall present a petition to Congress, stating the matter in

question, and praying for a hearing, notice thereof shall be given by

order of Congress to the legislative or executive authority of the other

State in controversy, and a day assigned for the appearance of the

parties by their lawful agents, who shall then be directed to appoint,

by joint consent, commissioners or judges to constitute a court for

hearing and determining the matter in question; but if they cannot

agree, Congress shall name three persons out of each of the United

States, and from the list of such persons each party shall alternately

strike out one, the petitioners beginning, until the number shall be

reduced to thirteen; and from that number not less than seven nor more

than nine names, as Congress shall direct, shall, in the presence of

Congress, be drawn out by lot; and the persons whose names shall be so

drawn, or any five of them, shall be commissioners or judges, to hear

and finally determine the controversy, so always as a major part of the

judges who shall hear the cause shall agree in the determination; and if

either party shall neglect to attend at the day appointed, without

showing reasons which Congress shall judge sufficient, or being present,

shall refuse to strike, the Congress shall proceed to nominate three

persons out of each State, and the secretary of Congress shall strike in

behalf of such party absent or refusing; and the judgment and sentence

of the Court, to be appointed in the manner before prescribed, shall be

final and conclusive; and if any of the parties shall refuse to submit

to the authority of such Court, or to appear or defend their claim or

cause, the court shall nevertheless proceed to pronounce sentence or

judgment, which shall in like manner be final and decisive; the judgment

or sentence and other proceedings being in either case transmitted to

Congress, and lodged among the acts of Congress for the security of the

parties concerned; provided, that every commissioner, before he sits in

judgment, shall take an oath, to be administered by one of the judges of

the supreme or superior court of the State where the cause shall be

tried, "well and truly to hear and determine the matter in question,

according to the best of his judgment, without favor, affection, or hope

of reward." Provided, also, that no State shall be deprived of territory

for the benefit of the United States.

All controversies concerning the private right of soil claimed under

different grants of two or more States, whose jurisdictions, as they may

respect such lands, and the States which passed such grants are

adjusted, the said grants or either of them being at the same time

claimed to have originated antecedent to such settlement of

jurisdiction, shall, on the petition of either party to the Congress of

the United States, be finally determined, as near as may be, in the same

manner as is before prescribed for deciding disputes respecting

territorial jurisdiction between different States.

The United States, in Congress assembled, shall also have the sole and

exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and value of coin

struck by their own authority, or by that of the respective States;

fixing the standard of weights and measures throughout the United

States; regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the Indians,

not members of any of the States; provided that the legislative right of

any State, within its own limits, be not infringed or violated;

establishing and regulating post offices from one State to another,

throughout all the United States, and exacting such postage on the

papers passing through the same as may be requisite to defray the

expenses of the said office; appointing all officers of the land forces

in the service of the United States, excepting regimental officers;

appointing all the officers of the naval forces, and commissioning all

officers whatever in the service of the United States; making rules for

the government and regulation of the said land and naval forces, and

directing their operations.

The United States, in Congress assembled, shall have authority to

appoint a committee, to sit in the recess of Congress, to be denominated

"A Committee of the States," and to consist of one delegate from each

State, and to appoint such other committees and civil officers as may be

necessary for managing the general affairs of the United States under

their direction; to appoint one of their number to preside; provided

that no person be allowed to serve in the office of president more than

one year in any term of three years; to ascertain the necessary sums of

money to be raised for the service of the United States, and to

appropriate and apply the same for defraying the public expenses; to

borrow money or emit bills on the credit of the United States,

transmitting every half year to the respective States an account of the

sums of money so borrowed or emitted; to build and equip a navy; to

agree upon the number of land forces, and to make requisitions from each

State for its quota, in proportion to the number of white inhabitants in

such State, which requisition shall be binding; and thereupon the

Legislature of each State shall appoint the regimental officers, raise

the men, and clothe, arm, and equip them in a soldier-like manner, at

the expense of the United States; and the officers and men so clothed,

armed, and equipped shall march to the place appointed, and within the

time agreed on by the United States, in Congress assembled; but if the

United States, in Congress assembled, shall, on consideration of

circumstances, judge proper that any State should not raise men, or

should raise a smaller number than its quota, and that any other State

should raise a greater number of men than the quota thereof, such extra

number shall be raised, officered, clothed, armed, and equipped in the

same manner as the quota of such State, unless the Legislature of such

State shall judge that such extra number can not be safely spared out of

the same, in which case they shall raise, officer, clothe, arm, and

equip as many of such extra number as they judge can be safely spared,

and the officers and men so clothed, armed, and equipped shall march to

the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States,

in Congress assembled.

The United States, in Congress assembled, shall never engage in a war,

nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in time of peace, nor enter

into any treaties or alliances, nor coin money, nor regulate the value

thereof, nor ascertain the sums and expenses necessary for the defense

and welfare of the United States, or any of them, nor emit bills, nor

borrow money on the credit of the United States, nor appropriate money,

nor agree upon the number of vessels of war to be built or purchased, or

the number of land or sea forces to be raised, nor appoint a commander

in chief of the army or navy, unless nine States assent to the same, nor

shall a question on any other point, except for adjourning from day to

day, be determined, unless by the votes of a majority of the United

States, in Congress assembled.

The Congress of the United States shall have power to adjourn to any

time within the year, and to any place within the United States, so that

no period of adjournment be for a longer duration than the space of six

months, and shall publish the journal of their proceedings monthly,

except such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances, or military

operations as in their judgment require secrecy; and the yeas and nays

of the delegates of each State, on any question, shall be entered on the

journal when it is desired by any delegate; and the delegates of a

State, or any of them, at his or their request, shall be furnished with

a transcript of the said journal except such parts as are above

excepted, to lay before the Legislatures of the several States.

ART. X.--The Committee of the States, or any nine of them, shall be

authorized to execute, in the recess of Congress, such of the powers of

Congress as the United States, in Congress assembled, by the consent of

nine States, shall, from time to time, think expedient to vest them

with; provided that no power be delegated to the said Committee, for the

exercise of which, by the Articles of Confederation, the voice of nine

States in the Congress of the United States assembled is requisite.

ART. XI.--Canada, acceding to this Confederation, and joining in the

measures of the United States shall be admitted into, and entitled to

all the advantages of this Union; but no other colony shall be admitted

into the same, unless such admission be agreed to by nine States.

ART. XII.--All bills of credit emitted, moneys borrowed, and debts

contracted by or under the authority of Congress, before the assembling

of the United States, in pursuance of the present Confederation, shall

be deemed and considered as a charge against the United States, for

payment and satisfaction whereof the said United States and the public

faith are hereby solemnly pledged.

ART. XIII.--Every State shall abide by the determinations of the United

States, in Congress assembled, on all questions which by this

Confederation are submitted to them. And the Articles of this

Confederation shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the Union

shall be perpetual; nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be

made in any of them, unless such alteration be agreed to in a Congress

of the United Stares, and be afterwards confirmed by the Legislatures of

every State.

AND WHEREAS it hath pleased the great Governor of the world to incline

the hearts of the Legislatures we respectively represent in Congress to

approve of, and to authorize us to ratify, the said Articles of

Confederation and perpetual Union, know ye, that we, the undersigned

delegates, by virtue of the power and authority to us given for that

purpose, do, by these presents, in the name and in behalf of our

respective constituents, fully and entirely ratify and confirm each and

every of the said Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union, and all

and singular the matters and things therein contained. And we do further

solemnly plight and engage the faith of our respective constituents,

that they shall abide by the determinations of the United States, in

Congress assembled, on all questions which by the said Confederation are

submitted to them; and that the Articles thereof shall be inviolably

observed by the States we respectively represent, and that the Union

shall be perpetual. In witness whereof, we have hereunto set our hands

in Congress. Done at Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, the

ninth day of July, in the year of our Lord 1778, and in the third year

of the Independence of America.

III

THE

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

IN CONGRESS, JULY 4, 1776

THE following preamble and specifications, known as the Declaration of

Independence, accompanied the resolution of Richard Henry Lee, which was

adopted by Congress on the 2d day of July, 1776. This declaration was

agreed to on the 4th, and the transaction is thus recorded in the

Journal for that day:

"Agreeably to the order of the day, the Congress resolved itself into a

committee of the whole, to take into their further consideration the

Declaration; and, after some time, the president resumed the chair, and

Mr. Harrison reported that the committee have agreed to a Declaration,

which they desired him to report. The Declaration being read, was agreed

to as follows:"

A DECLARATION BY THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES

OF AMERICA, IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED.

When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people

to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another,

and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal

station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a

decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should

declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident--that all men are created equal;

that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights;

that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That,

to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving

their just powers from the consent of the governed; that, whenever any

form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of

the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute a new government,

laying its foundations on such principles, and organizing its powers in

such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and

happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long

established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and,

accordingly, all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to

suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by

abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train

of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces

a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it

is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards

for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these

colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter

their former systems of government. The history of the present king of

Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all

having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over

these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.

1. He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary

for the public good.

2. He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing

importance, unless suspended in their operations till his assent should

be obtained; and, when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend

to them.

3. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large

districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of

representation in the Legislature--a right inestimable to them, and

formidable to tyrants only.

4. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual,

uncomfortable, and distant from the repository of their public records,

for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his

measures.

5. He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing, with

manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people.

6. He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause

others to be elected, whereby the legislative powers, incapable of

annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise;

the State remaining, in the meantime, exposed to all the dangers of

invasions from without, and convulsions within.

7. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States; for that

purpose obstructing the laws for the naturalization of  foreigners;

refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising

the conditions of new appropriations of lands.

8. He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his

assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.

9. He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure on

their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

10. He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of

officers, to harass our people and eat out their substance.

11. He has kept among us in times of peace, standing armies, without the

consent of our Legislatures.

12. He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior

to, the civil power.

13. He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign

to our constitutions, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent

to their acts of pretended legislation;

14. For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us;

15. For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any

murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these States;

16.  For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world;

17.  For imposing taxes on us without our consent;

18.  For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of a trial by jury;

19. For transporting us beyond seas, to be tried for pretended offenses;

20. For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring

province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging

its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument

for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies.

21. For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and

altering, fundamentally, the forms of our governments.

22. For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves

invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

23. He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his

protection, and waging war against us.

24. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burned our towns, and

destroyed the lives of our people.

25. He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries

to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun

with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the

most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized

nation.

26. He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high

seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of

their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.

27. He has excited domestic insurrection among us, and has endeavored to

bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages,

whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all

ages, sexes, and conditions.

In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in

the most humble terms; our repeated petitions have been answered only by

repeated injury. A prince whose character is thus marked by every act

which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

Nor have we been wanting in our attentions to our British brethren. We

have warned them, from time to time, of attempts by their legislature to

extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of

the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have

appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured

them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations,

which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence.

They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity.

We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our

separation, and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind--enemies in

war; in peace, friends.

We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America in

general Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world

for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by the

authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and

declare that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free

and independent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to

the British crown, and that all political connection between them and

the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved, and

that, as free and independent States, they have full power to levy war,

conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and do all other

acts and things which independent Stales may of right do. And for the

support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of

Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our

fortunes, and our sacred honor.

The foregoing declaration was, by order of Congress, engrossed, and

signed by the following members:

JOHN HANCOCK.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.

Josiah Bartlett, William Whipple, Matthew Thornton.

MASSACHUSETTS BAY.

Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine, Elbridge Gerry.

RHODE ISLAND.

Stephen Hopkins, William Ellery.

CONNECTICUT.

Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, William Williams, Oliver Wolcott.

NEW YORK.

William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris.

NEW JERSEY.

Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkinson, John Hart,

Abraham Clark.

PENNSYLVANIA.

Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, George

Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, James Wilson, George Ross.

DELAWARE.

Caesar Rodney, George Read, Thomas M'Kean.

MARYLAND.

Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, Charles Carroll, of Carrollton.

VIRGINIA.

George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison,

Thomas Nelson, Jun., Francis Lightfoot Lee, Carter Braxton.

NORTH CAROLINA.

William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn.

SOUTH CAROLINA. Edward Rutledge, Thomas Heyward, Jun.,

Thomas Lynch, Jun., Arthur Middleton.

GEORGIA.

Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton.

IV-

PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES

NAMES
STATE
PARTY
YEARS
VICE-PRESIDENT

1
George Washington
Virginia
All Parties
1789-1797
John Adams

2
John Adams
Mass
Federalist
1797-1801
Thomas Jefferson

3
Thomas Jefferson
Virginia
Republican
1801-1809
Aaron Burr
George Clinton

4
James Madison
Virginia
Republican
1809-1817
George Clinton
Elbridge Gerry

5
James Monroe
Virginia
Republican
1817-1825
Daniel D. Tompkins

6
John Quincy Adams
Mass
Republican
1825-1829
John C. Calhoun

7
Andrew Jackson
Tennessee
Democratic
1829-1837
John C. Calhoun
Martin Van Buren

8
Martin Van Buren
New York
Democratic
1837-1841
Richard M. Johnson

9
William H. Harrison
Ohio
Whig
1841-1841
John Tyler

10
John Tyler
Virginia
(Whig)
1841-1845

11
James K. Polk
Tennessee
Democratic
1845-1849
George M. Dallas

12
Zachary Taylor
Louisiana
Whig
1849-1850
Millard Fillmore

13
Millard Fillmore
New York
Whig
1850-1853

14
Franklin Pierce
New Hamp
Democratic
1853-1857
William R. King

15
James Buchanan
Penns
Democratic
1857-1861
J. C. Breckenridge

16
Abraham Lincoln
Illinois
Republican
1861-1865
Hannibal Hamlin
Andrew Johnson

17
Andrew Johnson
Tennessee
(Republican)
1865-1869

18
Ulysses S. Grant
Illinois 
Republican
1869-1877
Schuyler Colfax
Henry Wilson

19
Rutherford B. Hayes
Ohio
Republican
1877-1881
William A. Wheeler

20
James A. Garfield
Ohio
Republican
1881-1881
Chester A. Arthur

21
Chester A. Arthur
New York
Republican
1881-1885

22
Grover Cleveland
New York
Democratic
1885-1889
Thomas A. Hendricks

23
Benjamin Harrison
Indiana
Republican
1889-1893
Levi P. Morton

24
Grover Cleveland
New York
Democratic
1893-1897
Adlai E. Stevenson

25
William McKinley
Ohio
Republican
1897-1901
Garret A. Hobart
Theodore Roosevelt

26
Theodore Roosevelt
New York
Republican
1901-1909
Charles W. Fairbanks

27
William H. Taft
Ohio
Republican
1909-1913
James S. Sherman

V--

STATES ADMITTED INTO THE UNION

RATIFIED THE CONSTITUTION

1. | Delaware | December 7, 1787
2. | Pennsylvania | December 12, 1787
3. | New Jersey | December 18, 1787
4. | Georgia | January 2, 1788
5. | Connecticut | January 9, 1788
6. | Massachusetts | February 6, 1788
7. | Maryland | April 28, 1788
8. | South Carolina | May 23, 1788
9. | New Hampshire | June 21, 1788
10. | Virginia | June 25, 1788
11. | New York | July 26, 1788
12. | North Carolina | November 21, 1789
13. | Rhode Island | May 29, 1790

ADMITTED INTO THE UNION

14. | Vermont | March 4, 1791
15. | Kentucky | June 1, 1792
16. | Tennessee | June 1, 1796
17. | Ohio | November 29, 1802
18. | Louisiana | April 30, 1812
19. | Indiana | December 11, 1816
20. | Mississippi | December 10, 1817
21. | Illinois | December 3, 1818
22. | Alabama | December 14, 1819
23. | Maine | March 15, 1820
24. | Missouri | August 10, 1821
25. | Arkansas | June 15, 1836
26. | Michigan | January 26, 1837
27. | Florida | March 3, 1845
28. | Texas | December 29, 1845
29. | Iowa | December 28, 1846
30. | Wisconsin | May 29, 1848
31. | California | September 9, 1850
32. | Minnesota | May 11, 1858
33. | Oregon | February 14, 1859
34. | Kansas | January 29, 1861
35. | West Virginia | June 19, 1863
36. | Nevada | October 31, 1864
37. | Nebraska | March 1, 1867
38. | Colorado | August 1, 1876
39. | North Dakota | November 3, 1889
40. | South Dakota | November 3, 1889
41. | Montana | November 8, 1889
42. | Washington | November 11, 1889
43. | Idaho | July 3, 1890
44. | Wyoming | July 10, 1890
45. | Utah | January 4, 1896
46. | Oklahoma | 1908
47. | New Mexico | 1912
48. | Arizona | 1912

VI--

AREA OF THE UNITED STATES

ACCESSION
YEAR

GROSS AREA
(SQUARE MILES)

Continental United States

3,026,789

Area
1790
892,135

Louisiana Purchase
1803
827,987

Florida Purchase
1819
58,666

Treaty with Spain
1819
13,435

Texas
1845
389,166

Oregon
1846
286,541

Mexican Cession
1848
529,189

Gadsden Purchase
1853
29,670

Outlying Possessions

716,517

Alaska
1867
590,884

Hawaii
1898
6,449

Philippine Islands
1899
115,026

Porto Rico
1899
3,435

Guam
1899
210

Samoa
1900
77

Panama Canal Zone
1904
436

AREA OF THE UNITED STATES (CONTINUED)

STATE
RANK IN
AREA
AREA
(SQUARE
MILES)

Texas
1
265,896

California
2
158,297

Montana
3
146,997

New Mexico
4
122,634

Arizona
5
113,956

Nevada
6
110,690

Colorado
7
103,948

Wyoming
8
97,914

Oregon
9
96,699

Utah
10
84,990

Minnesota
11
84,682

Idaho
12
83,888

Kansas
13
82,158

South Dakota
14
77,615

Nebraska
15
77,520

North Dakota
16
70,837

Oklahoma
17
70,057

Missouri
18
69,420

Washington
19
69,127

Georgia
20
59,265

Florida
21
58,666

Michigan
22
57,980

Illinois
23
56,665

Iowa
24
56,147

Wisconsin
25
56,066

Arkansas
26
53,335

North Carolina
27
52,426

Alabama
28
51,998

New York
29
49,204

Louisiana
30
48,506

Mississippi
31
46,865

Pennsylvania
32
45,126

Virginia
33
42,627

Tennessee
34
42,022

Ohio
35
41,040

Kentucky
36
40,598

Indiana
37
36,354

Maine
38
33,040

South Carolina
39
30,989

West Virginia
40
24,170

Maryland
41
12,327

Vermont
42
9,564

New Hampshire
43
9,341

Massachusetts
44
8,266

New Jersey
45
8,224

Connecticut
46
4,965

Delaware
47
2,370

Rhode Island
48
1,248

District of Columbia
49
70

VII--

POPULATION OF CONTINENTAL UNITED STATES BY DECADES, 1790-1910

CENSUS
YEAR
NUMBER

POPULATION
INCREASE OVER
PRECEDING
CENSUS 

PER CENT
INCREASE

1910
91,972,266
15,977,691
21.0

1900
75,994,575
13,046,861
20.7

1890
62,947,714
12,791,931
25.5

1880
50,155,783
11,597,412
30.1

1870
38,558,371
7,115,050
22.6

1860
31,443,321
8,251,445
35.6

1850
23,191,876
6,122,423
35.9

1840
17,069,453
4,203,433
32.7

1830
12,866,020
3,227,567
33.5

1820
9,638,453
2,398,572
33.1

1810
7,239,881
1,931,398
36.4

1800
5,308,483
1,379,269
35.1

1790
3,929,214

VIII-APPROXIMATE POPULATION UNDER THE AMERICAN FLAG, 1910

United States, proper | 91,972,266
Alaska | 64,356
Hawaii | 191,909
Porto Rico | 1,118,012
Persons in military and naval service | 55,608
Philippine Islands [1903] | 7,635,426
Guam | 9,000
Samoa | 6,100
Panama Zone | 50,000
Total population of the United States | 101,102,677

IX--POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES 1910, 1900, AND 1890

From Bulletin of the Thirteenth Census, 1910.

Year
Per Cent of Increase

State

1910

1900

1890

Alabama
2,138,093
1,828,697
1,513,401
16.9
20.8

Arizona
204,354
122,931
88,243
66.2
39.3

Arkansas
1,574,449
1,311,564
1,128,211
20.0
16.3

California
2,377,549
1,485,053
1,213,398
60.1
22.4

Colorado
799,024
539,700
413,249
48.0
30.6

Connecticut
1,114,756
908,420
746,258
22.7
21.7

Delaware
202,322
184,735
168,493
9.5
9.6

Dist. of Columbia
331,069
278,718
230,392
18.8
21.0

Florida
752,619
528,542
391,422
42.4
35.0

Georgia
2,609,121
2,216,331
1,837,353
17.7
20.6

Idaho
325,594
161,772
88,548
101.3
82.7

Illinois
5,638,591
4,821,550
3,826,352
16.9
26.0

Indiana
2,700,876
2,516.462
2,192,404
7.3
14.8

Iowa
2,224,771
2,231,853
1,912,297
-0.3
16.7

Kansas
1,690,949
1,470,495
1,428,108
15.0
3.0

Kentucky
2,289,905
2,147,174
1,858,635
6.6
15.5

Louisiana
1,656,388
1,381,625
1,118,588
19.9
23.5

Maine
742,371
694,466
661,086
6.9
5.0

Maryland
1,295,346
1,188,044
1,042,390
9.0
14.0

Massachusetts
3,366,416
2,805,346
2,238,947
20.0
25.3

Michigan
2,810,l73
2,420.982
2,093,890
16.1
15.6

Minnesota
2,075,708
1,751,394
1,310,283
18.5
33.7

Mississippi
1,797,114
1,551,270
1,289,600
15.8
20.3

Missouri
3,293,335
3,106,665
2,679,185
6.0
16.0

Montana
376,053
243,329
142,924
54.5
70.3

Nebraska
1,192,214
1,066,300
1,062,656
11.8
0.3

Nevada
81,875
42,335
47,355
93.
-10.6

New Hampshire
430,572
411,588
376,530
4.6
9.3

New Jersey
2,537,167
1,883,669
1,444,933
34.7
30.4

New Mexico
327,301
195,310
160,282
67.6
21.9

New York
9,113,614
7,268,894
6,003,174
25.4
21.1

North Carolina
2,206,287
l,893,810
1,617,949
16.5
17.1

North Dakota
577,056
319,146
190,983
80.8
67.1

Ohio
4,767,121
4,157,545
3,672,329
14.7
13.2

Oklahoma
1,657,155
1,414,177
790,391
17.2
109.7

Oregon
672,765
413,536
317,704
62.7
30.2

Pennsylvania
7,665,111
6,302,115
5,258,113
21.6
19.9

Rhode Island
542,610
428,556
345,506
26.6
24.0

South Carolina
1,515,400
1,340,316
1,151,149
13.1
16.4

South Dakota
583,888
401,570
348,600
45.4
15.2

Tennessee
2,184,789
2,020,616
1,767,518
8.1
14.3

Texas
3,896,542
3,048,710
2,235,527
27.8
36.4

Utah
373,351
276,749
210,779
34.9
31.3

Vermont
355,956
343,641
332,422
3.6
3.4

Virginia
2,061,612
1,854,184
1,655,980
11.2
12.0

Washington
1,141,990
518,103
357,232
120.4
45.0

West Virginia
1,221,119
958,800
762,794
27.4
25.7

Wisconsin
2,333,860
2,069,042
1,693,330
12.8
22.2

Wyoming
145,965
92,531
62,555
57.7
47.9

X--NUMBER OF MEMBERS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES AFTER EACH

APPORTIONMENT

Year

1910
1900
1890
1880
1870
1860
1850
1840
1830
1820
1810
1800
1790
1780

Ratio

212,877
194,182
173,901
151,.911
131,425

127,381
93,423
70,680
47,700
40,000
35,000
33,000

33,000
30,000

Total under
apportionment
433
386
356
325
292
241
234
223
240
213
181
141
105
65

Assigned new
States
2
5
1
7
1
2
3
9
2
---
5
1
1

Alabama
10
9
9
8
8
6
7
7
5
3

Arizona
1

Arkansas
7
7
6
5
4
3
2
1
1

California
11
8
7
6
4
3
2
2

Colorado
4
3
2
1
1

Connecticut
5
5
4
4
4
4
4
4
6
6
7
7
7
5

Delaware
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
2
1
1
1

Florida
4
3
2
2
2
1
1
1

Georgia
12
11
11
10
9
7
8
8
9
7
6
4
2
3

Idaho
2
1
1
1

Illinois
27
25
22
20
19
14
9
7
3
1
1

Indiana
13
13
13
13
13
11
11
10
7
3
1

Iowa
11
11
11
11
9
6
2
2

Kansas
8
8
8
7
3
1

Kentucky
11
11
11
11
10
9
10
10
13
12
10
6
2

Louisiana
8
7
6
6
6
5
4
4
3
3
1

Maine
4
4
4
4
5
5
6
7
8
7
7

Maryland
6
6
6
6
6
5
6
6
8
9
9
9
8
6

Massachusetts
16
14
13
12
11
10
11
10
12
13
13
17
14
8

Michigan
13
12
12
11
9
6
4
3
1

Minnesota
10
9
7
5
3
2
2

Mississippi
8
8
7
7
6
5
5
4
2
1
1

Missouri
16
16
15
14
13
9
7
5
2
1

Montana
2
1
1
1

Nebraska
6
6
6
3
1
1

Nevada
1
1
1
1
1
1

New Hampshire
2
2
2
2
3
3
3
4
5
6
6
5
4
3

New Jersey
12
10
8
7
7
5
5
5
6
6
6
6
5
4

New Mexico
1

New York
43
37
34
34
33
31
33
34
40
34
27
17
10
6

North Carolina
10
10
9
9
8
7
8
9
13
13
14
12
10
5

North Dakota
3
2
1
1

Ohio
22
21
21
21
20
19
21
21
19
14
6
1

Oklahoma
8
5

Oregon
3
2
2
1
1
1
1

Pennsylvania
36
32
30
28
27
24
25
24
28
26
23
18
13
8

Rhode Island
3
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
1

South Carolina
7
7
7
7
5
4
6
7
9
9
9
8
6
5

South Dakota
3
2
2
2

Tennessee
10
10
10
10
10
8
10
11
13
9
6
3
1

Texas
18
16
13
11
6
4
2
2

Utah
2
1
1

Vermont
2
2
2
2
3
3
3
4
5
5
6
4
2

Virginia
10
10
10
10
9
11
13
15
21
22
23
22
19

Washington
5
3
2
1

West Virginia
6
5
4
4
3

Wisconsin
11
11
10
9
8
6
3
2

Wyoming
1
1
1
1

XI--POPULATION LIVING IN URBAN AND RURAL TERRITORY 1890-1910.

URBAN TERRITORY INCLUDES CITIES OF 2,500 OR OVER

1910

1900

1890

Per Cent

CLASSIFICATION
Number
of places
Population
Number
of places
Population
Number
of places
Population
1910

1900

1890

Total population

91,972,266

75,994,575

62,947,714
100.0
100.0
100.0

Urban territory
2,405
42,623,383
1,894
30,797,185
1,510
22,720,223
46.3
40.6
36.1

1,000,000 or more
3
8,501,174
3
6,429,474
3
3,662,115
9.2
8.5
5.8

500,000 to 1,000,000
5
3,010,667
3
1,645,087
1
806,343
3.3
2.2
1.3

250,000 to 500,000
11
3,949,839
9
2,861,296
7
2,447,608
4.3
3.8
3.9

100,000 to 250,000
31
4,840,458
23
3,272,490
17
2,781,894
5.3
4.3
4.4

50,000 to 100,000
59
4,178,915
41
2,760,477
30
2,027,569
4.5
3.6
3.2

25,000 to 50,000
120
4,062,763
82
2,785,667
67
2,298,765
4.4
3.7
3.7

10,000 to 25,000
374
5,609,208
286
4,409,900
232
3,487,139
6.1
5.8
5.5

5,000 to 10,000
629
4,364,703
477
3,278,518
361
2,495,594
4.7
4.3
4.0

2,500 to 5,000
1,173
4,105,656
970
3,354,276
792
2,713,196
4.5
4.4
4.3

Rural territory

49,348,883

45,197,390

40,227,491
53.7
59.5
63.9

Incorporated towns
of less than 2,500
inhabitants

11,784
8,119,528
8,892
6,247,645
6,466
4,719,835
8.8
8.2
7.5

Other rural territory

41,229,355

38,949,745

35,507,656
44.8
51.3
56.4

XII--TWENTY-FIVE LARGEST CITIES FROM 1880 TO 1910.

    ARRANGED IN THE ORDER OF THEIR RANK

1910

1900

1890

1880

Rank

City
Population
City
Population
City
Population
City
Population

1
New York
4,766,883
New York
3,437,202
New York
1,515,301
New York
1,206,299

2
Chicago
2,185,283
Chicago
1,698,575
Chicago
1,099,850
Philadelphia
847,170

3
Philadelphia
1,549,008
Philadelphia
1,293,697
Philadelphia
1,046,964
Brooklyn
566,663

4
St. Louis
687,029
St. Louis
575,238
Brooklyn
806,343
Chicago
503,185

5
Boston
670,585
Boston
560,892
St. Louis
451,770
Boston
362,839

6
Cleveland
560,663
Baltimore
508,957
Boston
448,477
St. Louis
350,518

7
Baltimore
558,485
Cleveland
381,768
Baltimore
434,439
Baltimore
332,313

8
Pittsburgh
533,905
Buffalo
352,387
San Francisco
298,997
Cincinnati
255,139

9
Detroit
465,766
San Francisco
342,782
Cincinnati
296,908
San Francisco
233,959

10
Buffalo
423,715
Cincinnati
325,902
Cleveland
261,353
New Orleans
216,090

11
San Francisco
416,912
Pittsburgh
321,616
Buffalo
255,664
Washington
177,624

12
Milwaukee
373,857
New Orleans
287,104
New Orleans
242,039
Cleveland
160,146

13
Cincinnati
363,591
Detroit
285,704
Pittsburgh 

238,617
Pittsburgh
156,389

14
Newark
347,469
Milwaukee
285,315
Washington
230,392
Buffalo
155,134

15
New Orleans
339,075
Washington
278,718
Detroit
205,876
Newark
136,508

16
Washington
331,069
Newark
246,070
Milwaukee
204,468
Louisville
123,758

17
Los Angeles
319,198
Jersey City
206,433
Newark
181,830
Jersey City
120,722

18
Minneapolis
301,408
Louisville
204,731
Minneapolis
164,738
Detroit
116,340

19
Jersey City
267,779
Minneapolis
202,718
Jersey City
163,003
Milwaukee
115,587

20
Kansas City
248,381
Providence
175,597
Louisville
161,129
Providence
104,857

21
Seattle
237,194
Indianapolis
169,164
Omaha
140,452
Albany
90,758

22
Indianapolis
233,650
Kansas City
163,752
Rochester
133,896
Rochester
89,366

23
Providence
224,326
St. Paul
163,065
St. Paul
133,156
Allegheny
78,682

24
Louisville
223,928
Rochester
162,608
Kansas City
132,716
Indianapolis
75,056

25
Rochester
218,149
Denver
133,859
Providence
132,146
Richmond
63,600

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